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DISCOURSE 



w ^ 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



NEW- YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 






AT THEIR ANNIVERSARY MEETING, 

6th DECEMBER, 1811. 



BY THE HONOURABLE DE WITT CLINTON, 

ONE OF THE VICE-PRSSUUUIXSlQF THE SOCIETY. 




PVSLISHBD BY JAMES E^TBURnJv™) FOR SALE AT 
THE STORE OF THE LAtIK^ZRA siwBANT, 



OPPOSITE TRINITY CHOl^H. xSb 



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^ 



1812, 






^^^^K<\ 



V 



DisWict of J\''eiu-York, ti, > 

BE it rcraerabered, that on the second oS}' ot September, in the thirty- 
scTcnth year of the Independence of the United States of America, James 
Eastburn, of the said district, hath deposited in this office the title of a book, 
the right ■whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit-: 
•' Discourse delivered before the New-York Historical Societj-, at their anni- 
versary meeting, Cth December, 1811. By the honourable De Witt Clinton, 
one of the vice-presidents of the Society." In conformity to the act of the 
Congress of the United States, entitled, " An act for the encouragement of 
*' learning, by securing the oopies oF Maps, Charts, and Books to the authors 
" and proprietors of such copies> during the times therein mentioned." And 
also to an Act, entitled " An Act supplementary to an Act entitled an Act for 
" the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, 
" and Books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times 
" therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of design^ 
<•' ine, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." 

CHAULES CLINTON, 
Clerk of the District of A''e-ii.''¥ork. 



Printed by D. & G. BRUCE, Slote-lane. 



NEW-YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

DECEMBER 6th, 1811. 

Resolved, that the thanks of this Society be 
presented to the Honourable De JVitt Clinton for 
the Discourse delivered, this^day, before the Socie- 
ty ; and that the Reverend Doctor Miller, Doctor 
Hosack and Mr. Thomaa Eddy be appointed a 
committee to cvpress the same, and to request a. 
copy for publication. 

Extract from the minutes, 

JOHN PINTARD, 

Recording Secretary, 



DISCOURSE, 

&c. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen 

of the Historical Society, 

A HERE is a strong propensity in the human 
mind to trace up our ancestry to as high and as 
remote a source as possible; and if our pride and 
our ambition cannot be gratified by a real state- 
ment of facts, fable is substituted for truth, and the 
imagination is taxed to supply the deficiency. 
This principle of our nature, although liable to 
great perversion and frequently the source of well 
founded ridicule, may, if rightly directed, become 
the parent of great actions. The origin and pro- 
gress of individuals, of families, and of nations, 
constitute Riography and History, two of the most 
interesting departments of human knowledge. 
Allied to this principle, springing from the same 
causes, and producing the same benign effects, is 
that curiosity we feel in tracing the history of the 
nations, which have occupied the same territory 
before us, although not connected with us in any 
other respect.* "To abstract the mind from all 
local emotion, says an eminent moralist, would be 
impossible if it were endeavoured, and it would be 
foolish if it were possible." The places where 
great events have been performed — where great 
virtues have been exhibited — where great crimes 
have been perpetrated, will always excite kindred 
emotions of admiration or horror: And if " that 
man is little to be envied whose patriotism would 
not gain force upon the plains of Marathon or 
whose piety would not grow warmer among the 

* Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides. 



6* 

ruins of Jona," we may with equal confidence as- 
sert, that morbid must be his sensibiHty and small 
must be his capacity for improvement, who does 
not advance in wisdom and in virtue, from con- 
templating the State and the History of the peo- 
ple, who occupied this country before the man of 
Europe. 

As it is therefore not uninteresting, and is entire- 
ly suitable to this occasion, I shall present a gene- 
neral geographical, political and historical view of 
the red men who inhabited this state before us ; 
and this Ido the more willingly, from a conviction 
that no part of America contained a people which 
will furnish more interesting information and 
more useful instruction — which will display the 
energies of the human character in a more con- 
spicuous mnnner, whether in light or in shade — in 
the exhibition of great virtues and talents, or of 
great vices and defects. 

* In 1 774 the government of Connecticut, in an 
official statement to the British Secretary of State, 
represented the original title to the lands of Con- 
necticut as in the Pequot Nation of Indians, who 
were numerous and warlike — that their great Sa- 
chem Sasacus had under him twenty-six Sachems, 
and that their territory extended from Narraganset 
to Hudson's River and over all Long Island. The 
Long Island Indians, who are represented as very 
savage and ferocious, were called Meilowacks or 
Meitowacks and the Island itself Meitowacks.f 
The Mohucoris, Mahatons or Manhattans occu- 
pied this Island and Staten Island. J The Mohe- 

* 7th Vol. Collection of Massachusetts Historical Society, p. 231. 

t Smith's History of New-York, p. 1262. 

I Staten Island was purchased from the Indians by Col. Lovelace, second 
fiovcrnor under tlie Duke of York, between the years 1667 and I f)73. — 
(Chalracrs's Political Annals of the Colonics, p. 509.) He refers to different 
manuscripts in the plantation office called Kew-York Entries, New-York 
Papers, ^vhich ajiptar to be Toluininou.<i : If we could ascertain from those 
papers the nation tli.it sold Staten-lsiandj it might produce some interesting 
iBfereueci. 



gans, whose original name was Muhhekanew, were 
settled on that part of the state east of Hudson'?! 
River and helow Albany, and those Indians, on 
the west bank from its mouth to the Kaats' Kill 
mountains, were sometimes denominated Wabin- 
gie and sometimes Sankikani, and they and the 
Mohegans* went by the general appellation of 
River Indians ; or, according to the Dutch, Mo- 
hickanders. Whether the Mohegans wereadistinct 
nation from the Pequotsf has been recently 
doubted, although they were formerly so con- 
sidered. One of the early Historians asserts that 
the Narragansets, a powerful nation in New 
England, held dominion over part of Long Island. :{: 
The generic name adopted by the French for all the 
Indians of New England was Abenaquis; and the 
country from the head of Chesapeake Bay to the 
Kittatinney mountains, as far eastward as the 
Abenaquis and as far northward and westward as 
the Iroquois, was occupied by a nation denomi- 
nated by themselves the Leuni-lenopi — by the 
French Loups, and by the English Delawares.^ 
Mr. Charles Thompson, formerly Secretary of 
Congress, supposed that this nation extended East 
of Hudson's to Connecticut River and over Long 
Island, this Island and Staten Island : and Mr. 
Smith, in his History of New- York, says, that when 
the Dutch commenced the settlement of the coun- 
try, all the Indians on Long Island and the north- 
ern shore of the Sound, and on the banks of Con- 
necticut and Hudson River, were in subjection to 
and paid an annual tribute to the Five Nations, jf 

* Jefferson's Virginia, p. 310. — 1 vol. Collections of New-York Historical 
Society, p. 33, 34. — Barton's Views of the Origin of the Indinns, p. 31. — 
Trumbull's History of the U. S. p. 42. 

•f Trumbull's Historyj)f Connecticut, p. 28. 

+ I Vol. Mass. Historical Society, p. 144, &c. Daniel Gookins. 

§ Barton's Views, p. 25. — Jefferson's Notes, p. 310, &c. 

II Itis cert.'iin'that the Mnntacket Sachem, so called in former tiipes, on 
tlie east end of Long Island, paid tribvite in iranspvun to the CoBfedsrateA 



8 

Mr. Smith's statement, therefore, does not accord 
with this fact, nor with the alleged dominion of 
the Pequots and Narragansets over Long Island ; 
New- York was settled hefore Connecticut, and 
the supremacy of the Iroquois was never disturbed, 
and it probably prevailed at one lime over Long- 
Island, over the territory as far east as Connecti- 
cut River, and over the Indians on the west 
banks of the Hudson. The confusion on this 
subject has probably arisen from the same lan- 
guage being used by the Delawares and Abena- 
quis, but indeed it is not very important to ascer- 
tain to which of these nations the red inhabitants 
of that portion of the State may be properly re- 
ferred. They, in process of time, became subject 
to the Iroquois, and paid a tribute iuAvampum and 
shells.* Their general character and conduct to 
the first Europeans, they probably had ever seen, 
have been described in Hudson's voyage up the 
North River. f And it is not a little remarkable 
that the natives belov/ the Highlands were of- 
fensive and predatory, while those above rendered 
him every assistance and hospitality in their 
power. Of all these tribes about nine or ten fam- 
ilies remain on Long-Island — their principal settle- 
ment is on a tract of 1000 acres on Montauck 
Point. Tbe Stockbridge Indians migrated from 
Hudson's River in 1734 to Stockbridge in J\Iassa- 
chusetts, from whence they removed about the 
year 1785 to lands assigned to them by the Oneidas 
HI their territory J The Brothertown Indians for- 
merly resided in Narraganset, in Rhode-Island" 

Colonics of Massachnsctts, I'ly month, Connecticut and New-Haven, for at 
least ten years fircvjous to 1C5G. (2 Hazard's Collections of State Papers. 

p. .}<;i. 

* Smith's History of New-York. — Cohlen's History of the Five Nations, 
t Purchas Pilgrim, vol. 3. p. 58. — 1 vol. New- York Historical Collections, 
p. 102. 
■>- i vol. Massachusetts Historical Society, p. C7, &c. 



and in Farmington, Stonington, Mohegan and 
some other towns in Connecticut, and are a rem- 
nant of the Muhhekanew Indians, formerly called 
the Seven Tribes on the Sea Coast. They also 
inhabit lands presented to them by the Oneidas. 
These Indians, and the Stockbridge Indians, aug- 
mented in a small degree by migrations from 
the Long-Island Indians, have formed two settle- 
ments, which by an accurate census taken in 1794, 
contained four hundred and fifty souls. But the 
greater part of the Indians below Albany retreated 
at an early period from the approach of civilized 
man, and became merged in the nations of the 
North and the West. As far back as 1687, just 
after the destruction of the Mohawk Castles by 
the French, Governor Dongan advised* the Five 
Nations to open a path for all the North Indians 
and Mohikanders, that were among the Ottawas 
and other Nations, and to use every endeavour to 
bring them home. 

The remaining and much the greatest part of 
the State was occupied by the Romans of this 
Western World, f who composed a federal repub- 
lic, and were denominated by the English, the 
Five Nations, the Six Nations, the Confederates 
— by the French, the Iroquois — by the Dutch, the 
Maquas or Mahakuase — by the Southern Indians, 
the Massawomacs — by themselves, the Mingps 
or Mingoians — and sometimes the Aganuschione 
or United People, and their confederacy they 
styled the Renunctioni..|; 

The dwelling lands of this confederacy were ad- 

• 1 vol. Colden's History of the Five Nations, p. 85, &c. 

I Volney's View of the United States, p. 470— 476.— 1 Colden's Five Na- 
tions, p. 4 and 5. 

i I Vol. Massachusetts Historical Collection, p. 144, &c. Daniel Gookins. 
—1 vol. Pownall on the Colonies, p. 235.— Smith's History of New-Jersey, p. 
ISO. — Morse's Gazetteer, Title Six Natious. — Jeff«rsou'» Virginia, p. HO — 
Smith's Hij4ery of New-York, v. 45. 



10 

mirably adapted for convenience, for subsistence 
and for concjuest. They comprise the greatest 
body of the most fertile lands in North America ; 
and they are the most elevated grounds in the 
United States from whence the waters run in every 
direction. The Ohio, the Delaware, the Susque- 
hanna, the Hudson and the St. Lawrence, almost 
all the ":rcat rivers, besides a verv considerable 
number of secondary ones originate here, and are 
discharged into the Gulph of Mexico by the Mis- 
sissipi River, into the Gulph of St. Lawrence 
by the St. Lawrence River, or into the Atlantic 
Ocean by various channels. Five great inland 
seas reach upwards of 2,000 miles through a con- 
siderable part of this territory, and afford an al- 
most uninterrupted navigation to that extent. By 
these lakes and rivers, the confederates were ena- 
bled at all times and in all directions to carry war 
and destruction among the surrounding and the 
most distant nations. And their country also 
abounds with other lakes, some of great size ; Lake 
Champlain, formerly called the Sea of the Iroquois, 
Lake George, the Saratoga, the Oneida, the (Jana- 
desaga or Seneca, the Cayuga, the Otsego, the 
Skaneatelas, the Canandaigua, the Cross, Ononda- 
ga, theOtisio, the Owasco, the Crooked, the Ca- 
nesus, the Hemlock, the Honeyoyo, the CJiataque, 
the Caniaderaga and the Canaforaga — composing 
in number and extent with the five great lakes, 
the greatest mass of fresh water to be found in 
the M'orld. In addition to the fertility of the soil, 
we may mention the mildness of the climate to 
the west of the Onondaga Hills, the salubrity and 
the magnificent scenery of the country. The 
numerous waters were stored with the salmon, the 
trout, the muscalunga, the M'hitefish, the shad, the 
rock fish, the sturgeon, perch and other fish of 
various kinds; niid the forests abounded with an 



Jl 

incredible number and variety oF game. The situ- 
ation of the inhabitants was rendered very ehgiblc 
from these sources of subsistence, connected with a 
very productive soil, for they had passed over the 
pastoral state, and followed agriculture as well a» 
fishing and hunting. The selection of this coun- 
try for a habitation, was the wisest expedient that 
could have been adopted by a military nation to 
satiate their thirst for glory, and to extend their 
conquests over the continent ; and if they prefer- 
red the arts of peace, there was none better calcu- 
lated for this important purpose. In a few days 
their forces could be seen, their power could be 
felt J at the mouth of the Ohio or the Missouri, on 
the waters of the Hudson or the St. Lawrence, or 
in the bays of Delaware or Chesapeak. 

It is not a little difficult to define the territorial 
limits of this extraordinary people,* for on this 
subject there are the most repugnant representa- 
tions by the French and English writers, arising 
from interest, friendship, prejudice and enmity. 
While the French on the one hand were involved 
in continual hostility with them, the English on 
the other hand were connected by alliance and by 
commerce. By the 15th article of the treaty of 
Utrecht concluded in 1713, it was stipulated "that 
the subjects of France inhabiting Canada and 
others, shall hereafter give no hindrance or moles- 
tation to the Five nations or cantons subject to 
the dominion of Great Britain."! As between 
France and England the confederates were, there- 
fore, to be considered as the subjects of the latter, 
and of course the British dominion was co-exten- 
sive with the rightful territory of the five cantons, 

* Rogers's conciseaccountof North America, page 5 — 1 Coldeii, 37 — 1 Pow- 
nail on the Colonies, '235, &c. — Smith's New-York, 58 — 179, &c. — Douglass'e 
Summary 11, &c. — Pownall's Geographical description, &c.— Gliarlevoix Hii- 
toire Generale de la Nouvelle France, &c. 

f Cliahner's f 'ollftstiau of Treaties, toI i, pace IS?. 



12 

it then became the policy of France to diminish, 
and that of England to enlarge this territory. But 
notwithstanding the confusion which has grown 
out of these clashing interests and contradictory 
representations, it is not perhaps very far from the 
truth, to pronounce that the Five nations were en- 
titled by patrimony or conquest to all the territory 
in the United States and in Canada, not occupied 
by the Creeks, the Cherrokees and the other south- 
ern Indians, by the Sioux, the Ministeneaux and 
the Chippewas — -and by the English and French, 
as far west as the Mississipi and Lake Winnipeg, 
as far north-Avest as the waters which unite this 
lake and Hudson's Bay, and as far north as Hud- 
son's Bay and Labrador. The Five nations claim, 
says Smith, " all the land not sold to the English 
from the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side 
of Lakes Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the 
Ohio, till it falls into the Mississipi ; and on the 
north side of these lakes, that whole territory be- 
tween the Outawas River and Lake Huron, and 
even beyond the streights between that and Lake 
Eric." The principal point of dispute between 
the English and French was, whether the dominion 
of the confederates extended north of the Great 
Lakes ; but I think it is evident that it did. It is 
admitted by several French writers, that the Iro- 
quois had several villages on the North side of 
Lake Ontario, and they are even laid down in the 
maps attached to Charlevoix, and it cannot be de- 
nied but that they subdued the Ilurons and AN 
gonkins, who lived on that side of the Great 
Lakes, and consequently were entitled to their 
country by the rights of conquest. The true ori- 
ginal name of the Great River, now called St. Law- 
rence, M'as the river of the Iroquois, thereby indi- 
cating, that they occupied a considerable portion 
at least of its banks. Douglass estimates their 



13 

territory as about 1200 miles in length from north 
to south, and from 7 to 800 miles in breadth. This 
was either hereditary or conquered. Their patri- 
monial, and part of their conquered country, were 
used for the purposes of habitation and hunting. 
Their hunting grounds were very extensive, in- 
cluding a large triangle on the south-east side of 
the St. Lawrence River — the country lying on the 
south and east sides of Lake Erie — the country 
between the Lakes Erie and Michigan, and the 
country lying on the north of Lake Erie and north- 
west of Lake Ontario, and between the Lakes On- 
tario and Huron. All the remaining part of their 
territory was inhabited by the Abenaquis, Algon- 
kins, Shawanese, Delawares, Illinois, Miamiesand 
other vassal nations. 

The acquisition of supremacy over a country of 
such amazing extent and fertility, inhabited by 
warlike and numerous nations, must have been 
the result of unity of design and system of action, 
proceeding from a wise and energetic policy, con- 
tinued for a long course of time. To their social 
combinations, military talents, and exterior ar- 
rangements, we must look for this system, if such 
a system is to be found. 

The Confederates had proceeded far beyond the 
first element of all associations, that of combina- 
tion into families — they had their villages, their 
tribes, their nations and their confederacy; but 
they had not advanced beyond the first stage of 
government. They were destitute of an executive 
and judiciary to execute the determinations of their 
councils — and their government was therefore 
merely advisory and without a coercive principle. 
The respect which was paid to their chiefs, and the 
general odium that attached to disobedience, ren- 
dered the decisions of their legislatures, for a long 



series of time, of as much validity, as if they had 
been enforced by an executive arm. 

Tliey were originally divided into five nations,' 
tlie I\Iohawks, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the 
Cayugas and the Senekas. In 1712, the Tuscaroras, 
•\vlio lived on the back parts of North Carolina 
and who had formed a deep and general conspiracy 
to exterminate the whites, were driven from their 
country, were adopted by the Iroquois as a sixth 
nation, and lived on lands between the Oneidas 
and Onondagas, assigned to them by the former.* 

The Mohawks had four towns and one small vil- 
lage, situated on and near the fertile banks of the 
river of that name. The position of the first was 
at the confluence of the Schoharie Creek and Mo- 
hawk River, and the others were farther to the 
west. This nation from their propinquity to the 
settlements of the whites, from their martial re- 
nown and military spirit have, like Holland, fre- 
quently given their name to the whole confederac}', 
which is often denominated the Mohawks in the 
annals of those days ; and it may be found em- 
ployed in the pages of a celebrated periodical 
writer of Great Britain, for the purpose of the 
most exquisite humour.'}" This nation was al- 
ways held in the greatest veneration by its asso- 
ciates. At the important treaty of -1768 at Fort 
Stanwix, by Sir William Johnson, they were de- 
clared by the other nations " the true old heads of 
the confederacy. "J The Oneidas had their prin- 
cipal seat on the south of the Oneida Lake, the 
Onondagas near the Onondaga, and the Cayugas 
near the Cayuga Lake. The principal village 
of the Senecas was near the Genesee River, about 



* Sinitli't New-York, 46 — Douglass's Summary, 243. 
t Spectator. 

i The proctedingsof this treaty were never published. I have seen l^»m 
io inaniucripi in the possession of the late Vice Prcbidcut Cliiitoa, 



15 

SO miles from Irondequoit Bay. Each nation was 
divided into three tribes : the tortoise, the bear and 
the wolf: and each village was like the cities of 
the United Netherlands a distinct republic, and 
its concerns were managed by its particular 
chiefs.* Their exterior relations, general inte- 
rests ami national affairs, were conducted and su- 
perintended by a great Council, assembled annu- 
ally in Onondaga, the central canton, composed 
of the chiefs of each republic ; and eighty Sachems 
were frequently convened at this national Assem- 
bly. It took cognizance of the great questions 
of war and peace — of the affairs of the tributary 
nations, and of their negotiations with the French 
and English colonies. All their proceedings were 
conducted with great deliberation, and were dis- 
tinguished for order, decorum and solemnity. In 
eloquence, in dignity, and in all the characteristics 
of personal policy, they surpassed an assembly of 
feudal barons, and were perhaps not far inferior to 
the great Amphyctionic Council of Greece. Dr. 
Robertson, who has evinced, in almost every in- 
stance, a strong propensity to degrade America be- 
low its just rank in the scale of creation, was com- 
pelled to qualify the generality of his censures in 
relation to its political institutions, by saying, 
*' If we except the celebrated league which united 
the Five Nations in Canada into a federal repub- 
lic, we can discern few such traces of political 
wisdom among the rude American tribes,as discover 
any great degree of foresight or extent of intel- 
lectual abilities."! 

A distinguished feature in the character of the 
confederates, was an exalted spirit of liberty, which 
revolted with equal indignation at domestic or fo- 
reign control, " We are born free, (said Garan- 
gula in his admirable speech to the Governor Gene- 

• See Cbarlevoi?, Coldeu, &c. f 1 Rob«rfson's Araewosj p. 435. 



16 

ral of Canada) we neither depend on Ononthio, or 
Coilcar,"* on France, or on England. Baron La- 
hontan, who openly avowed his utter detestation 
and abhorrence of them, is candid enough to ac- 
knowledge that, "they laugh at the menaces of 
kings and governors, for they have no idea of de- 
pcndance — nay, the very word is to them insup- 
portable. They look upon themselves as sove- 
reigns, accountable to none but God alone, whom 
they call the Great Spirit." They admitted of no 
hereditary distinctions. The office of Sachem was 
the reward of personal merit — of great wisdom or 
commanding eloquence — of distinguished services 
in the cabinet or in the field. It was conferred by 
silent and general con«ent, as the spontaneous tri- 
bute due to eminent worth — and it could only be 
maintained by the steady and faithful cultivation 
of the virtues and accomplishments which procur- 
ed it. No personal slavery was permitted if their 
captives were either killed or adopted as a portion 
of the nation. The children of the chiefs were en- 
couraged to emulate the virtues of their sires, and 
were frequently elevated to the dignities occupied 
by their progenitors. From this source has arisen 
an important error with respect to the establishment 
of privileged orders among the confederates. 

There is a striking similitude between the Ro- 
mans and the confederates, not only in their mar- 
tial .spirit and rage for conquest, but in their treat- 
ment of the conquered. Like the llomans, they 
not only adopted individuals, but incorporated the 
remnant of their vanquished enemies into their na- 
tion, by which they continually recruited their 
population, exhausted by endless and wasting wars, 

• See this spcecli in Appendix No I. Taken fiom "New Voyages to 
North Ameiii'R, \>y Ijiuuii l.nhoutan, Lord Lieutenant ofthe French colonies 
at INacentla, iu Nrwfouii<iland.. hit " 'J vols, piinted London, I70y. 

I I Coiifcn, p. U 



17 

^nd were enabled to continue their career of victo- 
ry and desolation : if their unhappy victims hesi- 
tated or refused, they were compelled to accept of 
the honours of adopnon. The Hurons of the Isl- 
and of Orleans, in 1656, knowing no other way to 
save themselves from destruction, solicited admis- 
sion into the canton ot" the Mohawks, and were ac- 
cepted — but, at the instance of the French, they 
declined their own proposal. On this occasion the 
Mohawks continued their ravages and compelled 
acquiescence — they sent thirty of their warriors to 
Quebec, who took them away, with the consent of 
the Governor General ; he in fact not daring to re- 
fuse, after having addressed him in the following 
terms of proud defiance, which cannot but bring 
to our recollection, similar instances of Roman 
spirit, when Rome was free.* " Lift up thy arm, 
Ononthio, and allow thy children, whom thou 
boldest pressed to thy bosom, to depart; for if 
they are guilty of any imprudence, have reason to 
dread, lest in coming to chastise them, my blows 
fall on thy head.*' Like the Romans also they 
treated their vassal nations with extreme rigor. 
If there were any delay in the render of the annual 
tribute, military execution followed, and the 
wretched delinquents frequently took refuge in the 
houses of the English to escape from destruction. 
On allpubUcoccasions they took care to demonstrate 
theirsuperiority and dominion, and at all times they 
called their vassals to an awful account, if guilty of 
violating the injunctions of the Great Council. 
At a treaty held on the forks of the Delaware, in 
1758, by the governors of Pennsylvania and New- 
Jersey, with the Six nations, several claims of the 
Munseys, Wapings, and other Delaware Indians, 

• Heriot's History of Canada, 79. (This work is a compilation, principal- 
ly from Charlevoix.) 



for lands in the latter province, were adjusted and 
satislied under the cognizance of the Confederates, 
tvlio ordered them to dehver up their prisoners and 
to he at peace with the Enghsh, and Mho assumed 
a thctatorial tone, and api)eared to exercise ahso- 
lute authority over the other Indians.* At a for- 
mer conference on this suhject, a Munsey, or Mi- 
Tiisink Indi n had spoken sitting, not heing allow- 
ed to stand, until a Cayuga Chief had sj)oken — 
when the latter, thus expressed himself, " 1, >vho 
am the IMingoian, am by this belt to inform you 
that the jMunscys are women and cannot hold trea- 
ties for themselves — therefore i am sent to inform 
you, tliat the invitation yon gave tlie Munseys is 
agreeable tons, the Six Nations." 

At a treaty held at Lancaster in 1742, by the 
government of Pennsylvania with the Iroquois, the 
governor complained of the Delawares, who refus- 
ed to remove Irom some lands which they had sold 
on the River Uelaware.f On th^s occasion agre:it 
chief called Canuassatcegoo, after severely repri- 
manding them, and ordering them to depart from 
the land immediately to Wyoming or bhamokin, 
concluded in the following manner. " After our 
just reproof and absolute order to depart from the 
land, you are now to take notice of what we have 
further to say to you. This string of wampum 
serves to forbid you, your children ancLgrand chil- 
dren, to the latest posterity, from ever metldling in 
land afiairs — neither you, nor any who shall des- 
cend from you, aie ever hereafter to sell any land. 
For this purpose you are to preserve this string, in 
memory of what your uncles have this day giVen 
you in charge. \sq have some other business to 
trans.ict with our brethren, and therefore depart the 

• Rmitli'g Nc\v.Jerscy, diC, &c. 
t 1 Colden, 31. 



i9 

council, and consider wliat has been said to you." 
The confedi rates had captured a great part of the 
Shavanese Nation who lived on the Wabash, but 
afterwards by the mediation of Mr. Penn, at the 
first settlement of Pennsylvania, gave them liberty 
to settle in the Western parts of that province ; but 
obliged them, as a badge of their cowardice, to 
wear female attire for a long time : and some na- 
tions, as low down as 1769, were not permitted to 
appear ornamented with paint* at any general 
meeting or congress, where the confederates at- 
tended, that being an express article in their capi- 
tulations.! This humiliation of the tributary 
nations was, however, tempered with a paternal re- 
gard for their interests in all negotiations with the 
•whites ; and care was taken that no trespasses 
should be committed on their rights, and that they 
should be justly dealt with in all their concerns. 

War was the favourite pursuit of this martial 
people, and military glory their ruling passion. 
Agriculture, and the laborious drudgery of domes- 
tic life were left to the women. The education of 
the savage was solely directed to hunting and war. 
From his early infancy, he was taught to bend the 
bow, to point the arrow, to hurl the tomahawk, 
and to wield the club. He was instructed to pur- 
sue the footsteps of his enemies through the path- 
less and unexplored forest — to mark the most dis- 
tant indications of danger — to trace his way by 
the appearances of the trees, and by the stars of 
heaven, and to endure fatigue, and cold, and fa- 
mine, and every privation. He commenced his 
career of blood by hunting the wild beasts of the 
woods, and after learning the dexterous use of the 

• Rogers's concise account, &c. -209, ike. 

t This is the Shawanese nation of Indians, who, under the auspiaes of their 
prophet, have lately had an engagement wiilt the army unUer the oommantl 
of governor Harrison. 



20 

weapons of destruction, he lifted his sanguinary 
arm against his fellow creatures. The profession 
of a warrior was considered the most illustrious 
pursuit ; their youth looked foru'ard to the time, 
when they could march against an enemy, Mith all 
the avidity of an epicure for the sumptuous dain- 
ties of a Heliogabalus. And this martial ardor was 
continually thwarting the pacihc counsels of the 
elders, and enthralling them in perpetual and de- 
vastating wars. With savages in general, this fe^ 
rocious propensity was impelled by ii blind fury, 
and was but little regulated by the dictates of skill 
and judgment : on the contrary, with the Iroquois, 
war was an art. All their military movements 
were governed by system and policy. They never 
attacked a hostile country, until they had sent out 
spies to explore and to designate its vulnerable 
points, and whenever they encamped, they observ- 
ed the greatest circumspection to guard against 
surprise; whereas the other savages only sent out 
scouts to reconnoitre; but they never went far 
from the camp, and if they returned without per- 
ceiving any signs of an enemy, the whole band 
went (juietly to sleep, and Mere often the victims 
of their rash conlidence. * 

Whatever superiority of force the Iroquois 
might have, they never neglected the use of stra- 
tagems—they employed all the crafty wiles of the 
Carthaginians. I'he cunning of the fox, the fe- 
rocity of the tiger, and the power of the lion, were 
united m their couduct. They preferred to van- 
quish their enemy by taking him oft' his guard-^ 
by involving him in an ambuscade — by falling up- 
on him in the hour of sleep: but when emergen- 
cies rendered it necessary for them to face him in 
the open field of battle, they exhibited a courage 

• 1 CoIdcD, no — Heriot, 15. 



21 

and contempt of death, which have never been 
surpassed. 

Although we have no reason to believe that they 
were, generally speaking, Anthropophagi, yet we 
have no doubt, but that they sometimes eat the bo- 
dies of their enemies killed in battle, more indeed 
for the purpose of exciting their ferocious fury 
than for gratifying their appetite — like all other 
savage nations, they delighted in cruelty. To in- 
flict the most exquisite torture upon their captive, 
to produce his death by the most severe and pro- 
tracted suiferings, was sanctioned by general and 
immemorial usage. Herodotus informs us, that the 
Scythians (who were, in all probability, the ances- 
tors of the greater part of our red men,) drank the 
blood of their enemies, and suspended their sca'ps 
from the bridle of their hoi'ses, for a napkin and a 
trophy — that they used their sculls for drinking 
vessels, and their skins as a covering to their hor- 
ses.* In the war between the Carthaginians and 
their mercenaries, Gisco, a Carthaginian general, 
and seven hundred prisoners, according to Poiybi- 
us, were scalped alive; and m return, Sj-eudius, a 
general of the mercenaries, was crucified, and the 
prisoners taken in the war thrown alive to the ele- 
phants, f From these celebrated nations we may 
derive the practice of scalping, so abhorrent to hu- 
manity — and it is not improbable, considering the 
maritime skill and distant voyages of the Phoeni- 
cians and Carthaginians, that America derives part 
of its population from that source by water, as it 
undoubtedly has from the North-east parts of 
Asia by land, v/ith the exception of a narrow strait. 

But the Five Nations, notwithstanding their 
horrible cruelty, are in one respect entitled to siu- 

* Belve's Herodotus, 2 vol. page 419 
t Polybius, b. 1. ckap. 6, 



gular commendation for the exercise of humanity t 
those enemies they spared in battle they made free; 
whereas, with all other barbarous nations, slavery 
was the commutation of death. But it becomes 
not us, if wc value the characters of our forefath- 
ers — it becomes not the civilized nations of Europe 
who have had American possessions, to inveigh 
against the merciless conduct of the savage. His 
appetite for blood was sharpened and whetted by 
European instigation, and his cupidity was enlist- 
ed on the side of cruelty by every temptation. In 
the wars between France and England and their 
colonics, their Indian allies were entitled to a pre- 
mium for every scalp of an enemy. In the war 
preceding 170 J, the government of Massachusetts 
gave Xl2 for every Indian scalp — in that year the 
premium was raised to ^40, but in 17221 it was 
augmented to ^100.* An act was passed on the 
S.jth lebruary, 1745, by our colonial legislature, 
entitled ' An act for giving a reward for such 
scalps and prisoners as shall be taken by the inha- 
bitants of (or Indians in alliance with) this co- 
lony, and to prevent the inhabitants of the city 
and county of Albany from selling rum to the In- 
dians."! — In 174(), the scalps of two Frenchmen 
were presented to one of our colonial governors at 
Albany, by three of the confederate Indians; and 
his excellency, after gratifying them with money 
and fine clothes, assured them how well he took 
this special mark of their tidclity, and that he 
would always remember this act of friendship/f 
The employment of savages, and putting into 
their hands the scalping knife during our revolu- 
tionary war, were openly justilied in the House of 

• Douglass' Summary, p. 199, 58G. 2 Holmes' American Anuals, 11«. 
j- 1st vol. Joiinials of (Colonial Asiembly, p. 95. 
i 'J Colli en, I'JO. 



£3 

Lords, by lord Suffolk, the British Secretary of 
State, who vindicated its policy and necessity, and 
declared " that the measure was also allowable on 
principle, for that it was perfectly justifiable to 
use all the means that God and nature had put in-* 
to their hands."* The eloquent rebuke of lord 
Chatham has perpetuated the sentiment, and con- 
signed it's author to immortal infamy. It were to 
be wished for the honour of human nature, that 
an impenetrable veil could be drawn over these 
liorrid scenes, but alas ! They are committed to the 
imperishable pages of history, and they are already 
recorded with the conflagrations of Smithtield, 
the massacres of St. Bartholemew, and the canni- 
bal barbarities of the French Revolution. 

The conquests and military achievements of the 
Iroquois were commensurate with their martial ar- 
dor, their thirst for glory, their great courage,. 
their invincible perseverance, and their political 
talents. Their militar;y excursions were extended 
as far North as Hudson's Bay. The Mississipi 
did not form their Western limits : their power was 
felt in the most Southern and Eastern extremities 
of the United States. Their wars have been sup- 
posed, by one writer, to have been carried near to 
the Isthmus of Darien.f And Cotton Mather, id 
his Magnalia, which was probably written in IGQS, 
describes them as terrible cannibals to the West- 
ward, who have destroyed no less than two nations 
of other Savages. J 

The ostensible causes of war among the Indians, 
were like many of those among civilized nations; 
controversies about limits, violations of the rights 
of embassy, individual or national wrongs : — And 
the real and latent reasons were generally the 
«ame — the enlargement of territory, the extension 

* Belsfaaia f J^'osers's America, 20a. ^ ^.728. 



24 

of dominion, the gratification of cupidity, and the 
acquisition of glory. According to a late travel- 
ler, a war has existed for two centuries between 
the Sioux and the Chippewas.* For an infrac- 
tion of the rights of the calumet, the confederates 
carried on a war of thirty years against the Choc- 
taws, t For a violation of the game laws of the 
hunting nations, in not leaving a certain number of 
male and female beavers in each pond, they subdu- 
ed and nearly destroyed the Illinois;.!; and they ap- 
peared to have accurate notions of the rights of 
belligerents over contraband articles ; for they con-? 
sidered all military implements carried to an enemy 
as liable to seizure ; but they went farther, and 
conceiving this conducta just ground of war, treat- 
ed the persons supplying their enemies, as enemies, 
and devoted them to death But the commerce in 
furs and peltries, produced by their intercourse with 
the Europeans, introduced a prolific source of con- 
tention among them, and operated like opening the 
box of Pandora. Those articles were eagerly 
sought after by the whites, and the red men were 
equally desirous of possessing iron, arms, useful 
tools, cloths, and the other accommodations of ci- 
vilized life. Before the arrival of the Europeans, 
furs were only esteemed for their use as clothing; 
but when the demand increased, and an exchange 
of valuable articles took place, it became extreme- 
ly important to occupy the most productive hunt- 
ing grounds, and to monopolize the best and the 
most furs. And it was sometimes the policy of 
the French to divert tlie attacks of the Iroquois 
from the nations with whom they traded, by insti- 
gating them to hostilitifs against the Southern 
Indians friendly to the English colonies; and at 

" Pike's Expedition to tlie Sources of the Mississipi, &c. 64- 

t Smith's New-York, -j-i. 

♦ S<:e Gcraupjla's Specil* in App«ndix, No. I. 



25 

other times they excited wars between their north- 
ern allies and the Iroquois, in order to prevent the 
former from trading with the Enghsh, which they 
preferred, because they could get their goods cheap- 
er. On the other hand, the EngHsh entangled the 
confederates in all their hostilities with the French 
and their Indian allies. The commerce in furs and 
pehries was deemed so valuable, that no exertion 
or expense was spared in order to effect a monopoly. 
The goods of the English were so eagerly sought 
after by the Indians, and so much preferred to those 
of the French, that the latter were compelled to 
procure them from the colony of New- York ; from 
whence they were conveyed to Montreal, and dis- 
tributed among the savages. It was then evident, 
that the English had it in their power, not only to 
undersell the French but, by a total interdiction of 
those supplies, to expel them from the trade. The 
enlightened policy of Gov. Burnet dictated the most 
energetic step, and a colonial law was passed for the 
purpose.* He also established trading houses, and 
erected a fort at Oswego, at the entrance of Onon- 
daga river into Lake Ontario. This position was 
judiciously selected, not only on account of its water 
communication with a great part of the Iroquois 
territory, but for the facility with which articles 
could be transported to and from Schenectady ; there 
being but three portages in the whole route, two of 
which were very short. It had another decided ad- 
vantage. The Indian navigation of the lakes being 
in canoes, is necessarily along the coast. The south- 
ern side of Lake Ontario affording a much more 
secure route than the northern, all the Indians who 
came from the great lakes, would on their way to 
Canada, have to pass close by the Enghsh establish- 

• 1 Colden's Five Nstions, tS— Smith's New-York, 224, Ssc— Herriot's 
♦'anada, 174. 

D 



£6 

ment, wliere they could be supplied at a cheaper 
rate, and at a less distance. Oswego then became 
one great emporium of the fur trade; and its ruins 
now proLlaim the vestiges of its former prosperity. 
The Irench perceived all the consequences of those 
measures, and they immediately rebu'lt the fort at 
Niagara, in order that they might have a commer- 
cial establishment, two hundred miles nearer to the 
western Indians than that at Oswego Having pre- 
viously occupied the m"uth of Lake Ontario by 
Fort I'rontenac, the fort at Niagara now gave them 
a decided advantage in point ot position. The act 
passed by Gov Burnet's recommendation was, un- 
der the intlnence of a pernicious policy, repealed by 
the British king. The Iroquois had adopted a de- 
termined resolution to exterminate the trench. 
*' Above these thirty years," says La Hontan, " their 
antient counsellors liave still remonstrated to the 
warriors of the Five nations, that it was expedient 
to cut off all the savage nations of Canada, n\ order 
to ruin the commerce of the French, and after that 
to dislodge them from the continent. With this 
view they have carried the war above four or five 
hundred leagues off their country, after the de- 
stroying of several different nations."* Charle- 
voix was impressed with the same opinion. " The 
Iroquois," says he, " are desirous of exercising a 
species of domination over the whole of this great 
continent, and to render themselves the sole mas ers 
of its commerce. "I Finding the auxiliary efforts 
of the English rendered abortive, their rage and 
fury increasetl, and the terror of their arms was ex- 
tended accordingly. At a subsequent periods they 
aj)peared to enteruiin different, and more enhghteu- 
cd views on this subject. They duly appreciated 

• Vol. i, !>:<(,'{: 'J70. 

t CliuilcToix's Uiiiioire Gcncrale do la NouTcUe France, 1 vol. b. lI-«» 



97 

the policy of averting the total destruction of 
either European power; and several instances could 
be pointed out, by which it could be demonstrated 
that the balance of power, formerly the subject of 
so much speculation amoug the statesmen of Eu- 
rope, was thoroughly understood by the confeder- 
ates in their negotiations and intercourse witli the 
French and English colonies. 

To describe the military enterprises of this 
people, would be to delmeate the progress of a tor- 
nado or an earthquake.* 

" Wide-wasting death up to the ribs i» blood with giant-stroke widow'd the 
natioas."j" 

Destruction followed their footsteps, and whole 
nations subdued, exterminated, rendered tributary, 
expelled from their country, or mersed in their 
conquerors, declare the superiority and the terror 
of their arms. When Champlain arrived in Cana- 
da in I60.S, he found them at war with the Hurons 
and Algonkins. He took part and headed three 
expeditions against them, in two of which he 
was successful, but in the last he was repulsed. 
This unjust, and impolitic interference, laid the 
foundation of continual wars between the French 
and the confederates. The Dutch, on the cont a- 
ry, entered into an alliance with them on their first 
settlement of the country, which continued wih- 
out interruption; and on the surrender of New- 
York to the English in l6(54, Carteret, one of the 
commissioners, was sent to subdue the Dutch at 
Fort Orange, now Albany ; which having effected, 
he had a conference with the confederates, and en- 
tered into a league of friendship; which continued 
without violation on either part J 

• For the military exploits of the Iroquois, generally speaking, se^ Dc La 
Potheire, La Hontan, Charlevoix, Golden, Smith, and Herriot. 

t Cumberland's battle of Hastings. 

t 1 Golden, p. 34— Smith's New-York, p. 5— .'51—2 Douglass s Snramaiy, 
p. 24». 



^8 

Tlie conquests of the Iroquois, previous to the 
discovery of America, are only known to us through 
the imperfect channels of traditi n — but it is well 
authenticated, that since that memorable era, they 
exterminated the nation of the Eries or Erigas, on 
the south side of Lake Erie, which has given a 
name to that lake: They nearly extirpated the 
Andastez and the Chouanons; they conquered the 
Hurons and drove them and their allies, the Otta- 
was, among the Sioux, on the head waters of the 
Mississipi, "where they separated themselves into 
bands, and proclaimed wherever they went, the 
terror of the Iroquois."* They also subdued the 
Illinois, the Miamies, the Algonkins, the Uela- 
wares, the Shawanese, and several tribes of the 
Abenaquis. After the Iroquois had. defeated the 
Hurrms, in a dreadful battle fought near Quebec, 
the Neperceneans, who lived upon the St. Law- 
rence, fled to Hudson's Bay to avoid their fury. 
In 1649 they destroyed two Huron villages and 
disj^ersed the nation; and afterwards they destroy- 
ed another village ot six hundred families. Two 
villages presented themselves to the confederates 
and lived with them *' The dread of the Iro- 
quois,'' says the historian, '' had such an effect up- 
on all the other nations, that the borders of the 
River Ontaonis, which were long thickly peopled, 
became almost deserted, without its ever being 
known what became of the greater part of the in- 
habitants.'! '1 he Illinois fled to the westward, af- 
ter being attacked by the confederates, and did not 
return until a general peace; and \\ere permitted in 
1760, by the confederates, to settle in the country 
between the Wabash and the Scioto rivers.J The 

• Ilen-iot, imge T7. 
t Hcniot, page 70. 

* Pownall's Topngraphical flescription of sucb partsof North America as are" 

d.scnLjed la Evaufc's nuip 1776, p. 42. 



S9 

banks of Lake Superior were lined with Algonkina,- 
who sought an asylum from the Five nations : they 
also h;ir<issed all the northern Indians, as far as 
Hudson's Bay, and they even attacked the nations 
on the Missouri. When La Salle was among the 
Natchez in 10"83, he saw a party of that people, 
who hdd been on an expedition asfainst the Iro- 
quois,* Smith, the founder of Virginia, in an 
expedition up the bay of Chesapeak in l60.s, met 
a war party of the Confederates, then going to at- 
tack their enemies.f They were at peace w ith the 
Cowetas or Creeks, but they warred against the 
Catawbas, the Cherrokees and almost all the South- 
ern Lidians.f The two former sent deputies to 
Albany, where they effected a peace through the 
mediation of the English. In a word, the Con- 
federates were, with a few exceptions, the conque- 
rors and masters of all the Indian nations east of 
the Mississipi. Such was the terror of the nations, 
that when a single Mohawk appeared on the hills 
of New-England, the fearful spectacle spread pain 
and terror, and flight was the only refuge from 
death. § Charlevoix mentions a singular instance 
of this terrific ascendency. Ten or twelve Otta- 
was being pursued by a party of Iroquois, endea- 
voured to pass over to Goat Island, on the Nia- 
gara river, in a canoe,, were swept down the cata- 
ract ; and, as it appeared, preferred to the sword of 
tlieir enemies II 

■ The vast immeasurable abyss 

Outrageous as a sea, dark, \vasteful, wild 
"Up from tlie bottom tum'd.* * 

In consequence of their sovereignty over the 

* Tontis' account of De la Salle's last expetUtion. Printed in London froia 
jl,e French in 1698— p. 112. 
•j- .Jefferson's Notes, 310, &c. 
t Adair's History of the Indians. 
§ I Golden, p. 3. 

jl 3 Charlevoix, Letter 15, p. aS4. 
** Miltoo'* Paradise Lost, book 7- 



30 

•ther nations, the Confederates exercised a propri- 
etary right in their lands. In 17 i'^ they granted to 
the Provinceof Pennsylvanidcertain lands on ihe v\ est 
side of the Susquehanna, having formerly done so on 
the cast side.* In 1744 they released to M.iryland 
and Virginia, certain lands claimed by them in those 
colonies ; and they declared at this treaty, that they 
had conquered the several nations living on the 
Susquehcinna and Patowmac Rivers, and on the 
back of the Great Mountains in Virginia. f In 
1754, a number of the inhabitants of Connecticut 
purchased of them, a large tract of land, west of 
the Hiver Delaware, and from thence spreading 
over the east and west branches of the Susque- 
hanna River/t In 1768 they gave a deed to Wil- 
liam Trent and others, for land between the Ohio 
and Monongdhela. They claimed and sold the 
land on the north side of Kentucky river. § In 
1768, at a treaty held at Fort Stanwix with Sir 
William Johnson, the line of property, as it was 
commonly denominated, was settled; marking out 
the boundary between the English Colonies and 
the territory of the Confederates. (| 

The vicinity of the Confederates was fortunate 
for the colony of New- York. They served as an ef- 
fectual shield against the hostile incursions of 
the French, and their savage allies. Their war 
with the French began with Champlain, and con- 
tinued with few intervals, until the treaty of U- 
irecht, which confirmed the surrender of Canada, 
Nova Scotia, and Acadia, to Great Britain. For 
near a century and a half, they maintained a war 
against the French possessions in Lousiana and Can- 

• 9 CoUIcn, p. 20. 

t 7 Massachusetts Historical Collections, p. I'l, &c. 

i 7 Mussachiisctts Historical Collections, p. '2.11. 

$ 2 Uolmc's Annals, p. '2S7. — Jefferson's Notes, p. 206, 

U Jefferson's Notes, p. 2'J6. 



31 

ada, sometimes alone, and sometimes in conjunc- 
tion with the English colonies. During this event- 
ful ptriofl, the) often maintained a proud superior- 
ity— always an honourable resistance; and no vi- 
cissitude of fortune or visitation of calamity, could 
ever compel them, to descend from the elevated 
ground, which they occupied in their own estima- 
tion and in the opinion of the nations. Their ex- 
peditions into Canada were f equent — wherever 
they marched terror and desolation composed their 
train. 

" And vengeance striding from his grisly det» 
With fell impatience gi inds his iron teeth. 
And massacre unbidden cloys his famine. 
And quaffs the blood of nations."* 

In 1683, M. Delabarre, the Governor General of 
Canada, marched with an army against the cantons. 
He landed near Oswego, but finding himself in- 
competent to meet the enemy, he instituted a ne- 
gotiation, and demanded a conference. On this 
occasion Garangula, an Onondaga chief, attended 
in behalf of his country, and made the celebrated 
reply to M. Delabarre, which I shall presently no- 
tice. The French retired from the country' with 
disgrace. The second general expedition was un- 
dertaken in 1687, by M. Denonville, Governor Ge- 
neral. He had treacherously seized several of their 
chiefs, and sent them to the gallies in France. He 
was at the head of an army exceeding 2000 men. 
He landed in Irondcquoit Bay, and when near a vil- 
lage of the Senccas, was attacked by 600, and 
would have been defeated, if his Indian allies had 
not rallied and repulsed the enemy. After detsroy- 
ing some provisions and burning some villages, he 
retired without any acquisition of laurels. The 
place on which this battle was fought, has been., 

* Glerer'8 Bagtli«*a, 



89 

within a few years owned by Judge Porter, of 
Grand Niagara, On ploughing the land, 3(;0 
hafelicts, and upAvards ot" 3000 pounds of old iron 
veie tound, being more than sufficient to defray 
the expense of clearing it. 

'Jlie confederates, in a year's time, compelled 
their enemies to make peace, a id to restore their 
chiefs. • It was with the French the only escape 
from destruction. Great bodies of the confeder- 
ates threatened Montreal, and their canoes covered 
the Great Lakes. They shut up the French in 
forts; and would have conquered the whole of 
Canada, if they had understood the art of attack- 
ing fortified places. This peace was soon disturbed 
by tlie artifices of Rondiaronk, a Huron chief; 
and the Iroquois made an irruption on the Island 
of ]\Iontreal, with 1200 men, destroying every 
thing before them. 

The third and last grand expedition against the 
Confetlerates, was undertaken in 16"97, by the Count 
DeFrontenac; the ablest and bravest governor that 
the French ever had in Canada. He landed at 
Oswego, with a powerful force, and marched to the 
Onondaga Lake — he found their principal village 
burnt and abandoned. He sent 700 men to destroy 
the Oneida Castle, who took a icw prisoners. An 
Onondaga chief, npwards of 100 years old, was cap- 
tured in the \voods, and abandoned to the fury of 
the French savages. After snstaining the most 
horrid tortures, with more than stoical fortitude, 
the only complaint he was heard to utter was, 
when one »)f them, actuated by compassion, or 
probaljl} by rage, stabbed him repeatedly with a 
knife, in order to put a speedy end to his exist- 
ence. " Tlion ought not," said he, *' to abiidge 
my life, that thou might have time to learn to die 
like a man For my own part, 1 die eontented, 
because 1 know no meanness with v/hich to re- 



proach myself." After this tragedy, the Count 
thought it;prudent to retire with his army; and he 
probably would have fallen a victim to his temeri- 
ty, if the Senecas had not been kept at home, 
from a false report, that they were to be attack- 
ed at the same time by the Ottawas. 

After the general peace in 1762, an attempt was 
made by a number of the Western Indians to de- 
stroy the British colonies. The Senecas were in- 
volved in this war, but in 176-* Sir William John- 
son, styling himself his Majesty's sole Agent and 
Superintendant of Indian affairs for the northern 
parts of North America, and Colonel of the Six 
United Nations, their allies and dependants, 
agreed to preliminary articles of peace with 
them. In this treaty, the Senecas ceded the car- 
rying place at Niagara to Great Britain. The 
Confederates remained in a state of peace, until the 
commencement of the Revolutionary War,* On 
the 19th of June 1775, the Oneidas and some 
other Indians, sent to the Convention of Massachu- 
setts a speech, declaring their neutrality; stating 
that they could not find nor recollect in the tra- 
ditions of their ancestors, a parallel ease ; and say- 
ing, " As we have declared for peace, we desire 
you would not apply to your Indian brethren 
in New-England for assistance. Let us Indians 
be all of one mind and live with one another ; and 
you white people settle your own disputes betwixt 
yourselves. f These good dispositions did not long 
continue with most of the Indian nations; all 
within the reach of British blandishments and pre- 
sents, were prevailed upon to take up the hatchet. 
It is calculated, that 12,690 Indian Warriors, were 

• Thomas Mante's History of the Late War in Ksrth Amsrida, fac printed 
Lonilon, 1773, p. 503. 
t 2 W'illiams's Hi?torv of Vermont, p. 4i# 

E 



34 

employed by the British during the revohitionary 
war, of which 1580 were Iroquois.* The influence 
of Sir William Johnson over the Savages, was 
transmitted to his son ; who was most successful in 
alluring them into the views of Great Britain. 
*' A great war feast was made by him on the occa- 
sion, in which, according to the horrid phraseology 
of these barbarians, they M^ere invited to banquet 
upon a Bostonian, and to drink his blood. "f 

General Burgoyne made a speech to the Indians 
on the 21st of June, 1777, urging them to hostili- 
ties, and stating "his satisfaction at the general 
conduct of the Indian tribes, from the beginning 
of tlie troubles in America." An old Iroquois chief 
answered, " We have been tried and tempted by 
the Bostonians, but we have loved our father, and 
our hatchets have been sharpened on our affections. 
In proof of the sincerity of our professions, our 
Avhole villages able to go to war, are come forth ; 
the old and infirm, our infants and our wives, 
alone remain at home."J They realized their pro- 
fessions. The whole confederacy, except a little 
more than half of the Oneidas, took up arms against 
us. They hung like the scythe of death upon the 
rear of our settlements, and their deeds are inscrib- 
ed with the scalping knife and the tomahawk in 
characters of blood, on the fields of ^Vyoming and 
Cherry Valley, and on the banks of the IMohawk. 

It became necessary that the confederates should 
receive a signal chastisement for their barbarous 
and cruel incursions; and accordingly general Sul- 
livan, with an army of near live thousand men, 
marched into their country in the year 1779. — 
Near New town, in the present county of Tioga, 
lie defeated them, and drove them from their for- 

• lOili vol. Alasiuchusctts Ilislorical sociotv, p 120, 8cc. 
t llelnliam. i a Willi;»niSj hs before (iuolid. 



tificationa — he continued his niarch between the 
Cayuga and Seneca Lakes, and through tlieir ter- 
ritory, as far as the Genesee River, destroying their 
orchards, cornfields, and forty villages — the larg- 
est of which contained one hundred and tweii^y- 
eight houses. This expedition M'as nearly thr^in- 
ishing blow to savage cruelty and insolence — their 
habitations were destroyed — their provinces laid 
waste — they were driven from their country, and 
were compelled to take refuge under the cannon of 
Niagara: and their hostility terminated with th» 
pacification with Great Britain. 

The Confederates were as celebrated for their 
eloquence, as for their military skill and political 
wisdom. Popular, or free governments, have in 
allag s, been the congenial soil of oratory. And it 
is indeed all important in institutions, merely advi- 
sory, where persuasion must supply the place of 
coercion — where there is no magistrate to execute 
— no military to compel — and where the only 
sanction of law is the controlling power ot" public 
opinion. Eloquence, being therefore considered 
so essential, must alwa^^s be a great standard of 
personal merit — a certain road to popular favor, 
and an univ^ersal passport to public honours. These 
combined inducements operated with powerful 
force on the mind of the Indian— and there is lit- 
tle doubt, but that oratory was studied with as 
much care and application among the Confede- 
rates, as it was in the stormy democracies of the 
Eastern hemisphere. I do not pretend to assert 
that there were, as at Athens and Home, establish- 
ed schools and professional teachers for the pur- 
pose : but I &3.y, that it was an attainment to which 
they devoted themselves, and to which they bent 
the whole force of their faculties. Their models of 
eloquence were to be found, not in hooks, but in 



36 



the living orators of their local and national as- 
semblies: their children at an early period of life 
attended their council fires, in order to observe the 
passing scenes, and to receive the lessons of wis- 
dom. Their rich and vivid imagery was drawn 
from the sublime scenery of nature, and their ideas 
were derived from the laborious operations of their 
own minds, and from the experience and wisdom 
of their antient sages. 

The most remarkable difference existed between 
the Confederates and the other Indian nations, with 
respect to eloquence. You may search in vain in 
the records and writings of the past, or in the events 
of the present times, for a single model of eloquence 
among the Algonkins, the Abenaquis, the Dela- 
wares, the Shawanese, or any other nation of In- 
dians, except the Iroquois. The few scintillations 
of intellectual li"'ht — the faint Q-limmerine-s of ae- 
nius, which are sometimes to be found in their 
speeches, are evidently derivative, and borrowed 
from the confederates. 

Considering the interpreters who have underta- 
taken to give the meaning of Indian speeches, it is 
not a little surprising, that some of them should 
approach so near to perfection. The major part of 
the interpreters were illiterate persons, sent among 
them to conciliate their favor, by making useful or 
ornamental implements — or they were prisoner.^ 
who learnt the Indian language during their cap- 
tivity. The Reverend Mr. Kirkland, a Mission- 
ary among the Oneidas, and sometimes a public 
interpreter, was indeed a man of liberal education; 
but those who have seen him oihciate at public 
treaties, must recollect, how incompetent he was, to 
infuse the fire of Indian Oratory into his expres- 
sions—how he labored for words, and how feeble 
and inelegant his language. Oral is more difficult 



t 

than written interpretation or translation. In tlie 
latter case, there is no pressure of time, and we have 
ample opportunity to weigh the most suitable words, 
to select the most elegant expressions, andtoiUthom 
the sense of the author: but in the former case, we 
are called upon to act immediately — no time for de- 
liberation is allowed ; and the first ideas that occur 
must be pressed into the service of the interpreter. 
At an antient treaty, a female captive officiated in 
that capacity; and at a treaty held in 1722 at Alba- 
ny, the speechesofthe Indians vverc first rendered into 
Dutch, and then translated into English.* I except 
from these remarks, the speech of the Onondaga 
Chief, Garangula, to I\I. Delabarre, delivered on the 
occasion which I have before mentioned. This was 
interpreted by Monsieur Le Maine, a French Jesuit, 
and recorded on the spot by Baron LaHontan; men of 
enlightened and cultivated minds ; from whom it has 
been borrowed by Colden, Smith, tierriot, Trumbull 
and Williams. I believe it to be impossible to find, 
in all the effusions of antient or modern oratory, a 
speech more appropriate and more convincing. Un- 
der the veil of respectful profession, it conveys the 
most biting irony ; and while it abounds with rich 
and splendid imagery, it contains the most solid rea- 
soning. I place it in the same rank with the cele- 
brated speech of Logan; and I cannot but express 
astonishment at the conduct of two respectable wri- 
ters, who have represented this interesting interview, 
and this subHme display of intellectual power, as 
'* a scold between the French general and an old In- 
dian."! 

On the 9th February, 1690, as wc are informed 
by the tradition of the inhabitants, although history 
has fixed it on the 8th, the town of Schenectady, 

* Oldmixnn's British Empire. I vol p. 254. t Col I-jii and Smitli. 



58 

\vliich then consisted of a church and sixty-three 
houses, was surprised by a party of French and In- 
dians from Canada — a dreadful scene of conflagra- 
tion and massacre ensued — the greater part of the 
inhabitants were killed or made prisoners — those 
that escaped fled naked towards Albany, in a deep 
snow which fell that very night, and providentially 
met sleighs from that place, which returned imme- 
diately with them. This proceeding struck terror 
into the inhabitants of Albany, who were about to 
abandon the country in despair and consternation. 
On ibis occasion, several of the Mohawk chiefs went 
to Albany, to make the customary speech of condo- 
lence, and to animate to honourable exertion. 
'J'lieir speech is preserved in the first volume of 
Coldens History of the Five Indian Nations of 
Canada — and even at this distant period it is im- 
possible to read it, without scnsibilit}', without res- 
pecting its affectionate sympathy, and admiring 
its magnanimous spirit, and without ranking it 
among the most respectable models of eloquence 
which history aifords.* 

In 1777 atul )778, an association of our own citi- 
zens, in violation of law, contracted with the Six 
Nations for the greater part qf their territory, on a 
lease of nine hundred and ninety-nine years, at an 
insignificant annual rent. These proceedings were, 
on the motion of the President of this Society, f de- 
clared void in March, 1788, by the authorities of 
the State — and when their true character was made 
knoun to the Indians— when they found that their 
country, in wliich were interred the bones of their 
ancestors, was sacrificed to the overreaching cupid- 
ity of unauthorized speculators, the greatest anxie- 
ty and consternation prevailed among them. The 
Senecas and Cayugas repaired to Albany to confer 

' AppcniHv, No. 2. f Egbert Benson, Esq. 



39 

with the governor ; but having no speaker at that 
time of sufficient eminence and talents for the im- 
portant occasion, they employed good Peter, or 
Domine Peter, the Cicero of the Six Nations, to be 
their orator, and he addressed the governor and 
other commissioners in a speech of great length and 
ability — it was replete with figurative language; the 
topics were selected with great art and judgment — 
I took down the speech from the mouth of the in- 
terpreter; and notwithstanding the imperfect inter- 
pretation of Mr. Kirkland, consider it a rare speci- 
men of Indian eloquence.* 

Within a few years, an extraordinary orator lias 
risen among the Senecas ; his real name is Saguoaha, 
but he is commonly called Red Jacket. Without 
the advantages of illustrious descent, and with no 
extraordinary talents for war, he has attained the 
first distinctions in the nation, by the force of his 
eloquence. His predecessor in the honors of the na- 
tion was a celebrated chief, denominated the Corn- 
planter. Having lost the confidence of his country- 
men, in order, as it is supposed, to retrieve his for- 
mer standing, he persuaded his brother to announce 
himself as a prophet, or messenger from heaven, 
sent to redeem the fallen fortunes of the Indian 
race. The superstition of the Savages cherished 
the impostor; and he has acquired such an ascen- 
dancy, as to prevail upon the Onondagas, formerly 
the most drunken and profligate of the Six Nations, 
to abstain entirely from spirituous liquors, and to 
observe the laws of morality in other respects. He 
has obtained the same ascendancv amono- the Con- 
federates, as another impostor has acquired among 
the Shawanese and other Western Indians; and like 
him, he has also employed his influence for evil, as 
well as for good purposes. The Indians universally 

* Appendix, No *. 



40 

believe in witch-ciaR — the prophet inculcated this 
superstition, and proceeded through the instrumen- 
tahty of umpires, selected by liiinself, to designate 
the oiU'endcrs, who were accordingly sentenced 
to death. And the unliappy objects would have 
been actually executed, if the magistrates at Onei- 
da, and the otiicers of the garrison at Niagara, had 
not interfered. This m as considered an artful ex- 
pedient to render his enemies the objects of gene- 
ral abhorrence, if not the victims of an ignomini- 
ous death. Emboldened by success, he proceeded, 
finally, to execute the views of his brother, and 
Red Jacket was publicly denounced at a great 
council of Indians, held at BufFaloe Creek, and was 
put upon his trial. At this crisis he well knew that 
ihe future colour of his life depended upon the pow- 
ers of his mind. He spoke in his defence for near 
three hours. The iron brow of superstition relent- 
ed under the magic of his eloquence: he declared 
the prophet an impostor and a cheat— he prevailed 
— the Indians divided, and a small majority appear- 
ed in his favor. Perhaps the annals of history can- 
not furnish a more conspicuous instance of the tri- 
umph and power of oratory, in a barbarous nation, 
devoted to superstition, and looking up to the accu- 
ser as a delegated minister of the Almighty. 

I am well aware that the speech of Logan will be 
triumphantly quoted against me, and that it will 
be said, tiiat the most sj)!endid exhibition of Indian 
eloquence may be found out of the pale of the Six 
Nations, I fully subscribe to the eulogium of Mr. 
Jefferson, when he says, " I may challenge the 
whole orations of Demosthenes, and Cicero, and oi 
any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished 
more eminent, to produce a single passage superi- 
or to the sj)ccch of Logan." But let it be remem- 
bered that Logan was a Mingo chief, the second 
son of Shikellemus, a celebrated Cayuga chief, and 



41 

consequently, belonged to the Confederates, al- 
though he did not live in their patrimonial territo- 
ry. The Iroquois had sent out several colonies — 
one of them was settled at Sandusky, and was esti- 
mated to contain three hundred warriors, in 17()8. 
Another was established on a branch of the Scioto, 
and had sixty warriors in 1779.* 

To this 1 may add the testimony of Charlevoix, 
who may be justly placed in the first rank of able 
and learned writers on American affairs, and who 
entertained all the prejudices of his country against 
the confederacy. Speaking of Joncaire, who had 
been adopted by the Senecas, and who had obtain- 
ed their consent for the establishment of a fort at 
Niagara, he says, "11 parla avec tout Tesprit d'un 
Francois, qui en a beaucoup et la plus sublime 
eloquence Iroquoise." He spoke with all the en- 
ergetic spirit of a Frenchman, and with the most 
sublime eloquence of an Iroquois. f 

It cannot, I presume, be doubted, but that the 
Confederates were a peculiar and extraordinary 
people, contradistinguished from the mass of the 
Indian nations by great attainments in polity, in 
government, in negotiation, in eloquence, and in 
war. La Hontan asserts that *' they are of a lar- 
ger stature, and withal, more valiant and cunning 
than the other nations. ":j: Charlevoix derives 
their name of Agonnonsioni, from tlieir superior 
skill and taste in architecture. '§ The perspicacious 
and philosophical Pennant, after fully weighing 
their character, qualities, and physical conforma- 
tion, pronounced them the descendants of the 
Tschutski, who reside on a peninsula, v/bieh forms 

* JefTerson's Notes. 

■f Charlevoix's Letter 15, page 248. Quere. Is tliis the captain Joncaire 
who is mentioned in Gen. (then colonel) Washinjjton's Journal, of his in;— 
sion to the Ohio. See '2 Marshall's Life of Washington, 1 Not-. 

4: '2 vol. page 4. 

^ 1 Charlevoix, b. fi. — p, 271. 



the most North-easterly part of Asia — who are a 
free and a brave race ; and, in size and figure, su- 
ptrior to every neighbouring nation. The Rus- 
sians have never been able to effect their conquest. 
They cherish a high sense of liberty ; constantly 
refuse to pay tribute; and are supposed to have 
sprung from that fine race of Tartars, theRabardin- 
ski, or inhabitants of Rabarda* 

But there is a striking discrimination between 
this nation and the great body of the Indian tribes, 
which remains to be mentioned. Charlevoix has 
the singular merit of having rejected the common 
mode of ascertaining the identity of national ori- 
gin, from a coincidence in customs and manners; 
and of having pointed out a similarity of language 
as the best, and the surest criterion. As far back 
•as La Hontan, whose voyages were published in 
1703, and v\ho was well acquainted with the Indian 
languages, it was understood by him, that there 
were but two mother tongues, the Huron and the 
Algonkin, in the whole extent of Canada, as far 
West as the Mississipi ; and in a list which he gives 
of the Indian nations, it appears that they all spoke 
the Algonkin languaiic in different dialects, ex- 
cept the fjurons and the Confederates; the difier- 
ence between which languages, he considers as not 
greater, than that between the Norman and the 
French. This opinion has been supported and 
conhrmed by the concurring testimony of Carver, 
Charlevoix, Rogers, Barton, Edwards, Mackenzie, 
and Pike, with these quahfications, that the 8ioux, 
or Naudowessies, and the Assiniboils, together 
with many nations of Indians to the West of the 
Missi.ssipi, speak a distinct original language; and 
it is not perfectly settled, whether the Creeks, and 
the other Southern Indians in their vicinity, use a 

" 1 Pcnnaat's Arctic Zoology, ISl— •1SG--262. 



is 

parent language; or under which of the three great 
parent ones theirs must be classed. Carver speaks 
of the Chippewa; Edwards, of the Molicgan ; Bar- 
ton, of the Delaware ; Rogers, of the Ottaway, as 
the most prevailing language in North America; 
but they all agree in the similarity. Dr Edwards 
asserts, that the language of the Delawares, in 
Pennsylvania; of the Penobscots, bordering on 
Nova Scotia ; of the Indians of St. Francis, in Ca- 
nada; of the Shawanese, on the Ohio ; of the Chip- 
pewas, at the Westward of Lake Huron j of the 
Ottawas, Nanticockes, Munsees, Minonionees, 
Misiuagues, Sasskies, Ottagamies, Killestones, 
Mipegois, Algonkins, Winnehagoes ; and of the 
-several tribes in New-England, are radically the 
same : — and the variations are to be accounted for 
from the want of letters, and of communication. 
On the other hand, that the Confederates and the 
Hurons were originally of the same stock, may be 
inferred, not only from the sameness of their lan- 
guage, but from their division into similar tribes.* 
From this, we may rationally conclude, that those 
nations were descended from an Asiatic stock, ra- 
dically diti'erent from that of the great body of 
Indians, who were spread over North America — 
and that the superior qualities of the Iroquois may 
be ascribed, as well to the superiority of their ori- 
gin, as to the advantages of position, the maxims 
of policy, and the principles of education, which 
distinguished them from the other red inhabitants 
of this Western world. And they were indeed, at all 
times, ready and willing to cherish the sentiment 

• 1 Trumbull's Connecticut, 43— Henry's Travels in Canada, 250, 299, .125 
— Carver's Travels, 170 — Mackenzie's Voyages, -280 — 3 Charlevoix's Letters, 
11th and l'2th — Jeffery's Natural and Civil History of the French dominions 
in North and South America, 45, 50 — liogerss North America, '2i6 — Bar- 
ton's View, 470 — Pike's Expedition, 65. — lidward'sObsei-valions on the Lan- 
guage of the Muhhekaneew Indians — La Hontan's New Voyages, 1 vol. 270, 5 
vol. 287. 



44 

cf exultation which they felt; and believing that 
they excelled the rest of mankind, they called 
themselves Onguc-Honwe ; that is, men surpassing 
all others.* 

It is extremely difficult to speak, with any pre- 
cision, of the anticnt population of the Indian na- 
tions. The Powhatan confederacy or empire, as 
it was called, coniained one inhabitant for every 
square mile; and the proportion of warriors to the 
whole number of inhabitants was, as three to ten.f 
If this is to afford a just rule for estimating the 
Confederates, it would be easy to ascertain their 
number, and to adjust the relative proportion of 
their iii^hting men. Supposing their patrimonial 
or dMclling country to be three hundred miles in 
length, and one hundred in breadth, the whole 
number of square miles would be 30,000 — and the 
number of souls the same. J Some writers state 
the number of their warriors, at the first European 
settlement, to be 15,00u, which would make a popu- 
lation of 50,000. La Ilontan says, that each vil- 
lage, or canton, contained about 14,000 souls; that 
is, ],oOO that bear arms, 2,000 superannuated men, 
4, (00 women, 12,000 maids, and 4,000 children ; 
though indeed some say, that each village has not 
above ten or 1 1,000 souls- On the first statement 
they would have 7,500, and on the last about 5,360 
fighting men. 

Col. Coursey, anagent of Virginia, had in 1677, 
a conference with the Five Nations at Albany, The 
number of warriors was estimated at that time 
and place, as follows : 

• 1 CoUlen, p. '2. 

■}• Jefferson's Notes, 141, kc. 

i On tliis subject see I Trumhuirs History U.S. p. 30, &c. — I William's 
Vermont, '215, ^:c. — 1 Donghiss's Summar), 185 — 5 vols. Mass. Historical So- 
cut}, 13, 16, Jj, kc. — 10 \ol. M.iss. llislorical History, 122, ke. — Morse's 
Gjtzetieer-.ix iiiitions — 1 La Ilontan, 2:i, kc. — .Ictrerson's notes, 151 — Holmes's 
Amcricau Adu.iIs, 1 vol. 45 — Holmcb's American Annals, 2 vols, 137. 



45 

Mohavvki, 300 

Oneitlas, 200 

Onondagas, • • • • 350 

Cayugas, SOO 

Senecas, 1,000 totals, 150; which 

would make the whole population near 7,200.* 

Smith says, that in 1756', the whole number of 
fighting men was about 1200. Douglass says, that 
in 1700, it was 1500. In the first case, the whole 
population would be 4,000; and in the last, 5,000. 
In 17(54, Col. Bouquet, from the information of 
a French trader, stated the whole number of in- 
habitants to be 1550. Captain Ilutchins, who 
visited most of the Indian nations for the express 
purpose of learning their number, represents them 
to be 2,1^0 in 1768 ; and Dodge, an Indian Trader, 
says, that in 1779 they were 1,600. These three 
estimates are taken from Jefferson's Notes on Vir- 
ginia ; and although they apparently relate to the 
whole population, yet I am persuaded, that the 
statements were only intended to embrace the 
number of warriors. 

During the revolutionary war, the British had in 
their service, according to the calculation of a 
British agent, 

300 Mohawks. 
150 Oneidas. 
200 Tuscaroras, 
300 Onondagas. 
230 Cayugas. 

400 Senecas. — 1580 in the whole. 
If to these we add 220 warriors, who adhered to 

* Vide Chalmer's Political Annals, p. 606, wbicli oontains llie journey of 
Wentwortli and Greenshnlp, from Albany to the Five Nations, begun '28th 
May, 1677, and ended 14th July following. The Mohawks iiail 4 fmvns and 
1 village, containing only 100 houses. The Oneidas ha<l 1 tow n, containing 
100 houses. The Onondagas I town, 140 houses, and 1 village, 24 houses. The 
Cayugas, 3 towns of about 100 houses in all. The Senecas, 4 towns, contaiu- 
ing 324 houses. The warriors the same precisely as in Col. (Journey's state- 
ment (Cours.p. 21). In the whole, 784 houses — which would make nearl/^ 
three wai-riors and ten inhabitants far each house. 



the United States, the M-hole number of fighting 
men would be J,K()0. 

In 1783, Mr, Kirkland the missionary, estimated 
the number of warriors in the Seneca nation, at 
6'00. This would make the whole p* pulation 
2,000 ; and as the Senecas then composed nearly 
one half of the whole Confederacy, the fighting 
men would be about 1,200, and the total number 
of inhabitants, upwards of 4,00(). In 17^0, he 
calculated the whole population of the confedera- 
cy, including those \vho reside on Grand River in 
Canada, and the Stockbridge and Brothertown In- 
dians, to be 6,330. This would make the number 
of warriors near 1,900. 

In 1794, on the division of an annuity of 4,500 
dollars, given to them by the United States, their 
number Avas ascertained with considerable pre- 
cision; each individual in the Confederacy, (except 
those residing in the British dominions) receiving 
tn equal share. 

In the United States. British lines* 

Mohawks, 300 

Oneidas, 628 460 

Cayugas, 40 ' 

Onondagas, • • • • 450 • • 760 

Tuscaroras, 400 

Senecas, 1780 



3298 
760 



Making in the whole 4,058 The Stockbridge 
and Brothcrtown Indians, are not included. This 
would make the number of fighting men, 1,352. 

These various estimates evince tTie great uncer- 
tainty prevailing on this subject. While La Hon- 



47 

tan exaggerates the population of the Confederacy, 
Smith evidently underrates it. We know that in 
their wars, they often sent out considerable armies. 
They attacked' the Island of Montreal with I'iOO 
men; and in 1(583, 1,000 marched at one time, 
against the Ottagamies. The first was in 1689; 
twelve years after Col. Coursey's estimate. Sup- 
posing that 1^200 warriors, were at that time at 
home, and otherwise employed, the whole num- 
ber would then be about 2,4-00; which shews a con- 
siderable coincidence between the two statements. 
On one point th. re is, however, no uncertainty. 
Ever since the men of Europe landed on the shores 
of America, there has been a diminution of the 
num jer of Aborigines — sometimes rapid — at other 
times gradual. The present condition of the Con- 
federates, furnishes an admonitory lesson to human 
pride; and adds another proof to the many on re- 
cord, that nations, like individuals, are destined by 
Providence to dissolution. Their patrimonial 
estates — their antient dwelling lands — are now 
crowded with a white population — excepting some 
reservations in the Oneida, Onondaga and Seneca 
countries. The Mohawks abandoned their coun- 
try during the war ; and the Cayugas have, since 
the peace. A remnant of the Tuscaroras reside on 
three miles square, near the Niagara River, on 
lands given to them by the Senecas and the Hol- 
land land company. The Oneida reservation does 
not contain more than 10,000 acres; and the Onon- 
daga is still smaller. The Senecas have their prin- 
cipal settlement at Buffaloe (Jreek. Their reserva- 
tions arc extensive and valuable, containing more 
than 16'0,000 acres: and they possess upwards of 
100,000 dollars in the stock of the late bank of 
the U. States. 

The Six nations have lost their high character 
and elevated standing. They are, in general ad- 



4tb 

dieted to idleness and drunkenness — the remnant 
ot" their eloquence and military spirit, as well as 
national strength, is to be found only among the 
Senecas, Their antient men, who have witnessed 
the former glory and prosperity of their country, 
and wiio have heard from the mouths of their an- 
cestors, the heroic achievements of their country- 
men, weep like infants, when they speak of the 
fallen condition of the nation. They, however, 
derive some consolation from a prophecy of anti- 
ent origin and universal currency among them, 
that the man of America will, at some future time, 
regain his antient ascendency, and expel the man 
of Europe from this western hemisphere. This 
flattering and consolatory persuasion, has restrain- 
ed in some degree their vicious propensities; has 
enabled the Seneca and Shawanese prophets to ar- 
rest in some tribes the use of intoxicating liquors, 
and has given birth, at different periods, to certain 
movements towards a general confederacy of the 
savages of North America. That they consider 
the white man an enemy and an intruder, who has 
expelled them from their country, is most certain ; 
and they cherish tliis antipathy with so much ran- 
cor, that when tliey abandon their settlements, they 
make it a rule never to disclose to him any mineral 
substances or springs, which may redound to his 
convenience or advantage. 

The causes of their degradation and diminution, 
arc principally to be found in their baneful commu- 
nication with the man of Europe; which has con- 
taminated their morals, destroyed their population, 
robbed them of their country, and deprived them 
of their national spirit. Indeed, when we consider 
that the discovery and settlement of America, have 
exterminated millions of the red men, and entailed 
upon the sable inhabitants of Africa, endless and 
destructive wars, captivity, slavery and death, wc 



49 

have reason to shudder at the gloomy perspective, 
and to apprehend that, in the retributive justice of 
the Almighty, there may be some hidden thunder 
in the stores of Heaven, red with uncommon wrath, 
some portentous cloud prcguant with the elements 
of destruction, ready to burst upon European 
America, and to entail upon us those calamities, 
which we have so wantonly and wickedly indicted 
upon otl)ers. 

A nation that derives its subsistence, principally, 
from the forest, cannot live in the vicinity of one 
that relies upon the products of the field. The 
clearing of the country drives off the wild beasts; 
and when the game fails, the hunter must starve, 
change his occupation, or retire from the approach 
of cultivation. The Savage has invariably prefer- 
red the last. The Mohawks were, at one period, 
the most numerous canton; but they soon became 
the smallest. This was on account of their pro- 
pinquity to the whites; while the Senecas, who 
are most remote, are the most populous. There are 
two other causes which have contributed to the de- 
struction of the Mohawks — their extreme ferocity, 
which distinguished them from the other cantons, 
and which exposed them to greater perils ; and the 
early seduction of a part of their nation by the 
French, who prevailed upon them to migrate to Ca- 
nada. The scarcity of food has also been aug- 
mented by other causes, besides that of cultivating 
the ground. Formerly they killed for the sake of 
subsistence : the Europeans instigated them to kill 
for the sake of the furs and skins. The use of fire- 
arms has had the effect, by the explosion of povs^- 
der, of frightening away the game; and at the same 
time, of enabling the savage to compass their de- 
struction with greater facility, than by his antient 
weapon the bow and arrow, whose execution was 
less certain, and whose operation was less terrific. 

G 



so 

The old Scythian propensity for wandering from 
place to place, and to make distant excursions, pre- 
dominates among them. Some, after an absence 
of twenty years, have again shewn themselves, 
while others never return. Many of the Iroquois 
are amalgamated with the western Indians. In 
1799, a colony of the Confederates, who had been 
brought up from their infancy under the Roman 
Catholic Missionaries, and instructed by them at a 
village, within nine miles of Montreal, emigrated 
to the banks of the Saskatchiwine River, beyond 
Lake Winnipeg.* 

The endless and destructive wars in which they 
have been involved, have also been a principal 
cause of diminishing their population. The num- 
ber of births among savage is always inferior to 
tliat among civilized nations, where subsistence is 
easier, and where the female sex are considered the 
companions, the friends and the equals of man ; 
and are associated and connected with him by the 
silken ties of choice and affection, not by the 
iron chains of compulsion and slavery. ]n times 
of war, the number of deaths among the Indians 
generally exceeded that of the births; and the 
Iroquois, for the last fifty years, not having been 
able to execute to any great extent their system 
of adoption, have experienced a correspondent di- 
minution. The manner of savage warfare is also 
peculiarly destructive. Among civilized nations, 
great armies are brought into the lield at once; 
and a t'tw years and a great battle, decide the for- 
tune of the war, and produce a peace. Among In- 
dians, wars are carried on by small detachments 
and in detail, and for a long time. Among the 
former they operate like amputation — a limb is cut 
olf, and ihe remainder of the body lives; but with 

' 1 Mackenzics '291. 



51 

savas^es, they rrsemble a slow and wasting disease, 
which gradually undermines the vital principle, 
and destroys the whole system. 

Before their acquaintance with the man of Eu- 
ro(3e, they were visited by dreadful diseases, 
which dejjopulated whole countries. Just before 
the settlement of New-England, some whole na- 
tions were swept off by a pestilence. The whites 
introduced that terrible enemy of barbarous na- 
tions, the small pox, as well in the north of Asia 
as in America. Kamschatka was very populous 
until the arrival of the Russians — a dreadful visit- 
ation of the small pox, in -ITb'Z, nearly extermina- 
ted its inhabitants.* In 1779 and 1780, the small 
pox spread among the Killistinoes, or Kaniste- 
neaux, and Chepewyans, " with a baneful rapidity 
that no flight could escape, and vvith a fatal effect 
that nothing could resist. "f Nine tenths of the 
northern Indians, so called by Hearne, were cut off 
by it. J In 1670, this disease depopulated the north 
of Canada. § A whole nation, called the Attetram- 
asues, were destroyed. The vicinity of the Confed- 
erates to the European settlements, and their con- 
stant intercourse, have exposed them continualh^ to 
its visitations; and their method of cure oeing the 
same in all diseases, immersion in cold water after 
a vapor bath, has aggravated its ravages. Their 
imitation of the European dress, has also substi- 
tuted a lio-hter mode of clothina: in lieu of warm 

11 
furs; by which, and their exposure to the ele- 
ments, they are peculiarly subjected to consump- 
tions and inflammatory complaints. Longevity 
is however by no means uncommon among them. 
In their settlements you see some very old people, 

* I Pennant, p. 215. 

t 1 Mackenzie, p. 17. 

\ Heitrne's Journey to the Northern Ocean, p. 178. 

f Jeftery's, before quoted, p. 110.— Herriot, p. 133, 



S9 

Need I add to this melancholy catalogue, the 
use ot" spirituous liquors, which has realized among 
them the fabulous etiects of the Bohon-Upas, 
>vhich has been to them "" the Hydra of calami- 
ties — the seven-fold death,"* and which has palsied 
all their energies, enfeebled their minds, destroyed 
their bodies, rendered them inferior to the beasts of 
the forest, and operated upon them as destruc- 
tively as 

" . I famine — war, or spotted pestilence. 

Baneful as dt'ath and horriljlc as hetl."t-" 

At the treaty held in Lancaster in 1744, the 
Five nations addressed the colonies of Peimsylva- 
nia, Virginia and Maryland, as follows: "We 
heartily recommend union and a good agree- 
ment between you our brethren. Never disagree, 
but preserve a strict friendship for one another; 
and thereby you, as well as we, will become the 
stionger. Our wise forefathers established amity 
and friendship among the Five Nations. This 
has made us formidable, anfl has given us great 
■>\'eight and authority with the neighbouring na- 
tions We are a powerful confederacy; and by 
your observing the same means which our wise 
forefathers pursued, you Mill ac(juire fresh strength 
and power. Therefore whatever befalls you, ne- 
ver fall out with one another."J This antient 
and cementing principle of union and fraternit}', 
"whiel) connected them in friendship, and which was 
the basis of their j)ower and the pillar of their 
greatness, has been entirely driven from them. 
The I'ury of discord has blown her horn, and 
rendered them the prey of the most ferocious and 
unrelenting passions. Party, in all its forms and 
\ iolence, rages among them with uncontrolled sway. 

• Young's Revenge. f liowe's Jane Shore. + 2 Colden, p. IIS. 



53 

Their nations are split np into fragments — the 
son is array ed against the father — brother 
against brother — famihes against famihes — tribes 
against tribes — and canton against canton. Tliey 
are divided into factions, rehgious, pohtical 
and personal— Christian and Pagan — American 
and British — the followers of Cornplanter and Sa- 
goua-IIa — of Skonadoi and Capt. Peter. The 
minister of destruction is hovering over them, and 
before the passing away of the present generation^ 
not a single Iroquois will be seen in this state. 

It would be an unpardonable omission, not to 
mention, while treating on this subject, that there 
is every reason to believe, that previous to the oc- 
cupancy of this country by the progenitors of the 
present nations of hulians, it was inhabited by a 
race of men much more populous, and much fur- 
ther advanced in civilization. The numerous re- 
mains of ancient fortiiications, vhich are found in 
this country, commencing principally near the 
Onondaga River, and from thence spreading over 
the Military Tract, the Genesee country, and the 
lands of the Holland Land Company, over the ter- 
ritory adjoining the Ohio and its tributary streams, 
the country on Lake Erie, and extending even 
west of the Mississipi, demonstrate a population 
far exceeding that of the Indians when this country 
Avas first settled. 

I have seen several of these works in the western 
parts of this state. There is a large one in the 
town of Onondaga; one in Pompey, and another 
in Manlius; one in Camillus, 8 miles from Auburn; 
one in Scipio, six miles ; another one mile; and one, 
half a mile from that village. Between the beneca 
and Cayuga Lakes there are several^- three within 
a few miles of each gther. Near the village of 



54 

Canadaigue there arc three. In a word, they are 
scattered all over that country * 

These forts were, generally speaking, erected on 
the most commanding ground. The walls or 
breastworks were earthen. The ditches were on 
the exterior of the works. On some of the para- 
pets, oak trees were to be seen, which from the 
number of the concentric circles, must have been 
standing 150, 260, and 300 years; and there were 
evident indications, not only that they had sprung 
up since the erection of those works, but that they 
were at least a second growth. The trenches were 
in some cases deep and wide, and in others shalloxr 
and narrow; and the breast works varied in alti- 
tude from three to eight feet. They sometimes 
had one, and sometimes two entrances, as was to 
be inferred from there being uo ditch at those 
places. When the works were protected by a deep 
ravine, or a large stream of water, no ditch was to 
be seen. The areas of these forts varied from two 
to six acres; and the form was generally an irre- 
gular ellipsis : and in some of them fragments of 
earthen ware and pulverized substances, supposed 
to have been originally human bones, were to be 
found. 

These fortifications, thus diflfused over the inte- 

• On Ihe'subject of these ancient fortifications, see 1 Charlevoix, b. It. p. 533. 
— 3 ClKirlevoix, Letter '23, p. 333. — 6 American Museum, p. 29 — 233. — 3 vol. 
Massiiclmsutts liisioriial Collections, p. '.^3 — 4th vol. Massachusetts Historical 
Collections, p. lUI — 10". — Inilay's Kentucky,)). 379. — Herriot's Ganatla, p. 14 
to £6, — I BelktiMp's Amei'ican FJiograjiiiy. p. 194 — 169. — History of Virginia, 
anonymous, putilisheil London. \7Z'ii, p. 149. — Carver's Ti-avels, p. 37. — Vol- 
rey's United Slates, p. 486. — Barton's .Medical and I'liysical Journal, 1 vol. 
part I, p. 9' — Barton's Medical and Physical Journal, vol. 1, part 2, p 80. 
— Barton's Medical anfl Physical Journal, vol. 2, part 1, p. 187. — Adair's In- 
dians, p. 377 — New-York .VL<»:izine, January 1793, p. '23 — Michaux's Trav- 
els to the westward of the Alkg;any Mountains in 180^, vol. 1. — Colunibian 
Maga7,inc for 1787, 1 vol. No. 9 — Shultz's Inland Voyafje, 1vol. ]>. 146. — 
ft vol, Ameriuan Philosophical Transactions, j). 13'2. — Medical Repository, 
S Hexade, '2 vol- No. 2. p. 146. — Uop;ers's (yonrise Account of Norlh Anitrica, 
p. 247. — Harris's Tour in 1803 into "the State of Ohio, p. 149, &c. — Hubbard's 
Narratire of the Indian Wars in New-England, p. 32, IOC— Williamson ok 
iHe Climate, &c. of America, p. IW. 



5S 

nor of our country, have been generally consideicd 
as surpassing the skill, patience and industry of the 
Indian race ; and various hypotheses have been ad- 
vanced to prove ihem of European origin. 

An American writer of no inconsiderable repute, 
pronounced some years ago, that- the two torts at 
the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio rivers, 
one covering forty and the other twenty acres, 
were erected by Ferdinand de Soto, who landed 
witii JU(H) men in Florida in 1539, and penetrated 
a considerable distance into the interior of the coun- 
try. He allotted the large fort for the use of the 
Spanish army ; and after being extremely puzzled 
how to dispose of the small one in its vicinity, he 
at last assigned it to the Swine, that generally, as 
he says, attended the Spaniards in those days; be- 
ing in his opinion very necessary, in order to pre- 
vent them from becoming estrays, and to protect 
them from the depredations of the Indians. 

When two ancient forts, one containing six and 
the Oiher three acres, were found near Lexington 
in Kentucky, another theory was propounded, and 
it was supposed that they were erected by the de- 
scendants of the Welch colony, who are said to 
have migrated under the auspices oF Madoc to this 
country, in the twelfth century ; that they former- 
ly inhabited Kentucky; but being attacked by the 
Indians, were forced to take refuge near the sources 
of the Missouri. 

Another suggestion has been made, that the 
French in tlieir expeditions from Canada to the 
Mississipi were the authors of these works: but the 
most numerous are to be found in the territory of 
the Senecas, whose hostility to the French was 
such, that they were not allowed for a long time to 
have any footing among them.* The fort at Nia- 

» I Colden, p. 61. 



S6 

gar.i was obtained from them, by the intrigues and 
doquence of Joncaire, an adopted child of the 
nation.* 

Louis Dennie, a Frenchman, aj^ed upwards of 
70, and who has been settled and married among 
the confederates for more than half a century, told 
me, that according to the t"aditions of the ancient 
Indians, these forts wtvt erected by an army of 
Spaniards, who were the first Europeans ever seen 
by them — the French the next — then the Dutch ; 
and finally tiie English: — that this army first ap- 
peared at Oswego in great force, and penetrated 
though the interior of the country, searching for 
the precious metals — that they continued there 
two years, and went down the Ohio. 

Some of the Senecas told Mr. Kirkland the mis- 
sionary, that those in their territory' were raised by 
their ancestors in their wars with the western In- 
dians, three, four or five hundred years ago. All 
the cantons have traditions, that their ancestors 
came originally from the west; and the Senecas 
say that tiieirs first settled in the country of the 
Creeks. The early histories mention that, the Iro- 
quois first inhabited on the north side of the 
great lakes; that they were driven to their present 
territory in a war with the Aigonkins or Adiron- 
dacks, from whence they expelled the Satanas, If 
these accounts are correct, the ancestors of the 
Senecas did not, in all probability, occupy their 
present territory, at the time they allege. 

I believe we may confidently pronounce, that 
til the liypotheses which attribute those works to 
Europeans, aro incorrect and fanciful. 1. on ac- 
count of the present number of the works. S. on 
account of their antiquity ; having, from every ap- 
pearance, l)een erected a long time before the dis- 

* Ti Cliarleroix, Letter 15, p. 2'27. 



57 

covcry of America : and finally, their form and 
manner are totally variant from European fortifica- 
tions, either in antient or modern times. 

It is equally clear that, they were not the work 
of the Indians. Until the Senecas, who are re- 
Bowned for their national vanity, had seen the at 
tention of the Americans attracted to these erec- 
tions, and had invented the fabulous account of 
which I have spoken ; the Indians of the present 
days did not pretend to know any thing about 
their origin. They were beyond the reach of all 
their traditions, and were lost in the abyss of un- 
explored antiquity. 

The erection of such prodigious works must 
have been the result of labor, far beyond the pa- 
tience and perseverance of our Indians ; and the 
form and materials arc entirely different from those 
which they are known to make. These earthen 
walls, it is supposed, will retain their original form 
much longer than those constructed with brick 
and stone. They have, undoubtedly, been greatly 
diminished by the washing away of the earth, the 
fining up of the interior, aiad the accumulation of 
fresh soil ; yet their firmness and solidity indicate 
them to be the work of some remote age. Add to 
this, that the Indians have never practised the 
mode of fortifying by intrenchments. Their vil- 
lages or castles were protected by palisades ; which 
afforded a sufficient defence against Indian wea- 
pons. When Cartier went to Hochelaga, now Mon- 
treal, in 1535, he discovered a town of the Iroquois 
or Hurons, containing about fifty huts. It was 
encompassed with three lines of palisadoes, through 
which was one entrance, well secured with stakes 
and bars. On the inside was a rampart of timber, 
to which were ascents by ladders ; and heaps of 
stones were laid in proper places to cast at an ene- 
my. Charlevoix and other writers agree, in reprc- 

H 



^8 

senting the Indian fortresses as fabricated with 
wood. Such also were the forts of Sasacus, the 
great chief of the Pequots ; and the principal for- 
tress of the Narragansets was on an island in a 
swamp, of five or six acres of rising land : — the 
sides were made with palisades set upright, encom- 
passed with a hedge, of a rod in thickness.* 

I have already alluded to the argument for the 
great antiquity of those antient forts, to be deriv- 
ed from the number of concentric circles. On the 
ramparts of one of the Muskingum forts, four 
hundred and sixty-three were ascertained on a tree, 
decayed at the centre; and there are likewise the 
strongest marks of a former growth of a similar 
size. This woukl make those works near a thou- 
sand years old. 

But there is another consideration which hai 
never before been urged, and which appears to me 
to be not unworthy of attention. It is certainly 
nov^el, and I believe it to be founded on a basis, 
which cannot easily be subverted. 

From near the Genesee river to Leiviston, on the 
Niagara river, there is a remarkable ridge or eleva- 
tion of land, running almost the whole distance, 
which is seventy-eight miles, and in a direction 
from East to West. Its general altitude above the 
neighbouring land is thirty feet, and its width va- 
ries considerably: — in some places it is not more 
than forty yards. Its elevation above the level of 
lake Ontario is perhaps 16'0 feet, to which it des- 
cends by a gradual slope; and its distance from 
that Avater is between six and ten miles. This re- 
markable strip of land, would appear as if intended 
by nature, for the purpose of an easy communica' 
tion. It is in fact, a stupendous natural turnpike, 
descending gently on each side, and covered with 
gravel: — and but little labor is requisite to make 

* Mather's Magnalia, p. 693. 



59 

it the best road in the United States. When the 
forests between it and the lake are cleared, the 
prospects and scenery which will be afforded from 
a tour on this route to the Cataract of Niagara, 
will surpass all competition for sublimity and beau- 
ty, variety and number. 

There is every reason to believe, that this remar- 
kable ridge was the antient boundary of this o-reat 
lake. The gravel v/ith which it is covered was de- 
posited there by the waters ; and the stones every 
where indicate by their shape, the abrasion and 
agitation produced by that element. All along the 
borders of the Western rivers and lakes, there are 
small mounds or heaps of gravel, of a conical form, 
erected by the fish for the protection of their spawn : 
these fish banks are found in a state that cannot 
be mistaken, at the foot of the ridge, on the side 
towards the lake : on the opposite side none have 
been discovered. All rivers and streams which 
enter the lake from the South, have their mouths 
affected with sand in a peculiar way, from the pre- 
valence and power of the North-westerly winds. 
The points of the creeks which pass through this 
ridge, correspond exactly in appearance, with the 
entrance of the streams into the lakes. These facts 
evince beyond doubt, that Lake Ontario has per- 
haps, one or two thousand years ago, receded from 
this elevated ground. And the cause of this re- 
treat must be ascribed to its having enlarged its 
former outlet, or to its imprisoned waters (aided 
probably by an earthquake) forcing a passage 
down the present bed of the St. Lawrence ; as tho 
Hudson did at the Highlands, and the Mohawk at 
the Little Falls. On the South side of this great 
ridge, in its vicinity, and in all directions through 
this country, the remains of numerous forts are to 
be seen; but on the North side, that is, on the side 
towards the lake, not a single one has been disco- 



60 

vered, although the whole ground has been care- 
fully explored. Considering the distance to be, 
say seventy miles in length, and eight in breadth, 
and that the border of the lake is the very place 
that Avould be selected for habitation, and conse- 
quently for works of defence, on account of the 
facilities it Mould afford for subsistence, for safety, 
for all domestic accomodations and military pur- 
poses; and that on the south shores of Lake Erie, 
these antient fortresses exist in great number, 
there can be no doubt but that these works were 
erected, when this ridge was the Southern bounda- 
ry of Lake Ontario and, consequently, that their 
origin must be sought in a very remote age. 

A great part of North America was then inhabit- 
ed by populous nations, who had made considerable 
advances in civilization. These numerous works 
could never have been supplied with provisions, 
without the aid of agriculture. Nor could they 
have been constructed without the use of iron or 
copper ; and without a perseverance, labor, and 
design, which demonstrate considerable progress in 
the arts of civilized life. A learned writer has said, 
*' I perceive no reason why the Asiatic North might 
not be an ollicina viroruni, as well as the European. 
The over-teeming country to the East of the Kiph- 
lean Mountains, must find it necessary to discharge 
its inhabitants. The first great wave of people was 
forced forward by the next to it, more tumid and 
more poMCrful than itself: successive and new im- 
pulses continually arriving, short rest was given to 
that which spread over a more Eastern tract; dis- 
turbed again and again, it covered fresh regions. 
At length reaching the farthest limits of the old 
world, it found a new one, M'ith ample space to oc- 
f;upy, unmolested for ages.''^ After the North of 

' 1 rcDDantV Arctic Zooloffy, 260, 



61 

Asia had thus exhausted its exuberant population 
by such a great migration, it would require a very 
long period of time to produce a cooperation of 
causes, sufficient to effect another. The first migh- 
ty stream of people that flowed into America, must 
have remained free from external pressure for ages. 
Availing themselves of this period of tranquillity, 
they would devote themselves to the arts of peace, 
make rapid progress in civilization, and acquire an 
immense population. In course of time, discord 
and war would rage among them, and compel the 
establishment of places of security. At last, they 
became alarmed by the irruption of a horde of bar- 
barians, who rushed like an overwhelming flood 
from the North of Asia. 

A multitude, like •which the populous North 
Poured — from her frozen loins, to pass 
Khene or the Danaw, when her barbarous sons 
Came like a deluge on the South, and spread 
Beneath Gibralter to the Lybian sands.* 

The great law of selfpreservation compelled them 
to stand on their defence, to resist these ruthless 
invaders, and to construct numerous and extensive 
works for protection. And for a long series of time 
the scale of victory was suspended in doubt, and 
they firmly withstood the torrent : but like the 
Romans in the decline of their empire, they were 
finally worn down and destroyed, by successive in- 
roads and renewed attacks. And the fortifications 
of which we have treated, are the only remaining 
monuments of these antient and exterminated na- 
tions. This is, perhaps, the airy nothing of ima- 
gination, and may be reckoned the extravagant 
dream of a visionary mind: but may we not, 
considering the wonderful events of the past and 
present times, and the inscrutable dispensations of 

* Miltoa's Paradise Lost, I book, p. 62. 



un over- ruling providence, may we not look for- 
ward into futurity, and without departing from the 
rigid laws of probability, predict the occurrence 
of similar scenes, at some remote period of time. 
And perhaps, in the decrepitude of our empire, 
some transcendent genius, whose powers of mind 
sliall only be bounded by that impenetrable circle, 
which prescribes the limits of human nature,"* may 
rally the barbarous nations of Asia, under the stan- 
dard of a mighty empire. Following the tract of 
tlie Russian colonies and commerce towards the 
north-west coast, and availing himself of the navi- 
gation, arms, and military skill of civilized nations, 
he, ma}^, after subverting the neighbouring des- 
potisms of the old world, bend his course to- 
wards European America. The destinies of our 
country may then be decided on the waters of 
the Missouri, or on the banks of Lake Superior. 
And if Asia shall then revenge upon our posterity, 
the injuries we have inflicted on her sons, a new, a 
long and a gloomy night of gothic darkness will set 
in upon mankind. And when after the efflux of 
ages, the returning effulgence of intellectual light 
shall again gladden the nations, then the wide- 
spread ruins of our cloud-clapt towers, of our so- 
lemn temples, and of our magnificent cities, will, 
like the works of which we have treated, become 
the subject of curious research and elaborate in- 
vestigation. 

* Roscoc's Ijorenze De Medicif, Sil 



APPENDIX, No. 1. 



M' de la Barre's haraiigiie, and the Grangula's 

reply. 

JL HE King, my Master, being inform'd that the 
' five Iioquese Nations have for a long time made 
' infractions upon the measures of Peace, order'd 

* me to come hither with a Guard, and to send 
' Akouessan to the Canton of the Onnotagues, in or- 
' der to an Interview with their principal Leaders, in 

* the Neighbourhood of my Camp, This great Mo- 

* narch means, that you and I should smoak to- 
' gether in the great Calumet of Peace, with the 

* Proviso, that you ingage in the name of the 

* Tsonnontouans, Goyoguans, Onnotagues, Onnoy- 

* outes, and Agnies, to make reparation to his Sub- 

* jects, and to be guilty of nothing for the future, 

* that may occasion a fatal rupture. 

' The Tsonnontouans, Goyogouans, Onnotagues, 

* Onnoyoutes and Agnies, have strip'd, rob'd, and 

* abus'd all the Forest-Rangers, that travel'd in the 

* way of Trade to the Country of the Illinese, of 

* the Oumamis, and of several other Nations, who 

* are my Master's Children. Now this usage being 
' in high violation of the Treaties of Peace con- 

* eluded with my Predecessor, 1 am commanded to 
' demand Reparation, and at the same time to de- 

* clare, that in case of their refusal to comply with 

* my demands, or of relapsing into tlie like Robbe- 

* ries, War is positively proclainvd. 

This Colier* makes my words good. 

' The Warriours of these five Nations have in- 
' tioduced the English to the Lakes, belonging to 

• Bdt. 



64 

' the King my Master, and into the Country of those 

* Nations to whom mj Master is a Father : This 
' they have done with a design to ruine the Com- 
' merce of his Subjects, and to oblige these Na- 

* tions to depart from their due Allegiance; not- 
' withstanding the Remonstrances of the late Go- 

* vcrnor of New- York, who saw thro the danger 
^ that both they and the English expos'd themselves 

* to. At present I am willing to forget those Ac- 

* tions ; but if ever you be guilty of the like for 
' the future, I have express orders to declare War. 

This Colier xvarrants my IVords. 

' The same Warriours have made several barba- 

* rous Incursions upon the country of the lUinese, 

* and the Oumamis. They have massacred Men, 

* Women, and Children ; they have took, bound, 

* and carried off an infinite number of the Natives 

* of those Countries, who thought themselves se- 

* cure in their Villages in a time of Peace. These 

* People are my Master's Children, and therefore 

* must hereafter cease to be your Slaves. I charge 

* you to restore 'em to their Liberty, and to send 

* 'em home without delay ; for if the live Nations 
' refuse to comply M'ith this demand, I have ex- 

* press orders to declare War. 

This Colier makes my words good. 

* This is all I had to say to the Grangula, whom 
' I desire to report to the five Nations, this De- 
' claration, that my Master commanded me to 
' make. He wishes they had not oblig'd him to 
' send a potent Army to the Fort of *Cataracouy, 
' in order to carry on a War that will prove fatal 

The Frendt call it Fort Frontenac. 



§5 

' to them : And he will be very much troubled, if 

* it so falls out» that this Fort which is a work of 

* Peace, must be imploy'd for a Prison to your Mi- 

* litia. These mischiefs ought to be prevented by 

* mutual endeavours: The French who are the 
' Brethren and Friends of the five Nations, will 

* never disturb their Repose ; provided they make 

* the satisfaction I now demand, and prove religi- 

* ous observers of their Treaties. I wish my words 
' may produce the desir'd effect; for if they do not, 
' 1 am obliged to joyn the Governor of New- York, 

* who has orders from the King his Master, to as- 

* sist me to burn the five Villages, and cut you off. 

This Colier cojifirms my word. 

While Mr. de la Barrels Interpreter pronounc'd 
this Harangue, the Grangula did nothing but look'd 
upon the end of his Pipe : After the Speech was 
finishd he rose, and having took five or six turns 
in the Ring that the Frencli and the Savages made, 
he return'd to his place, and standing upright spoke 
after the following manner to the General, who 
sat in his Chair of State. 

' * Onnontio, I honour you, and all the Warri- 
' ors that accompany me do the same : Your In- 

* terpreter has made an end of his Discourse, and 
' now I come to begin mine. My Voice glides to 

* your Ear, pray listen to my words. 

' Onnontio, in setting out from Quebec, you 

* must needs have fancy'd that the scorching Beams 

* of the Sun had burnt down the Forests which ren- 
' der our Country unaccessible to the French ; or 

* else that the Inundations of the Lake had sur- 

* rounded our Cottages, and confin'd us as Prison- 
' ers. This certainly was your thought ; and it 

* This Title they give to the Govfrrnor.General cf C»nada. 
I 



' could be nothing else but the curiosity of seeing 
' a burnt or drown'd Country, that mov'd you to 
' undertake a Journey hither. But now you have 
' an opportunity of being undeceiv'd, for I and my 
' Avarhke Retinue come to assure you, that the 
' Tsonontouans, Goyogouans, Onnontagues, On- 
' noyoutes and Agnies, are not yet destroy "d. I 
' return you thanks in their name, for bringing into 
' their Country the Calumet of Peace, that your 

* Predecessor receiv'd from their hands. At the 

* same time 1 congratulate your Happiness, in hav- 
' ing left under Ground* the bloody Axe, that has 

* been so often dy'd with the blood of the French. 

* I must tell you, Onnontio, I am not asleep, my 
'Eyes are open; and the Sun that vouchsafes the 
' light, gives m.e a clear view of a great Captain at 

* the liead of a Troop of Soldiers, who speaks as if 

* he were asleep. He pretends that he do's not ap- 
' proach to this Lake with any other view, than to 
' smoak with the Onnotagues in the great Calumet; 

* but the Grangula knows better things, he sees 
' plainly that the Onnontio mean'd to knock 'em 
' on the Head, if the French Arms had not been so 
' much v,-eaken'd. 

' I perceive that the Onnontio raves in a Camp 

* of sick People, whose lives the great Spirit has 

* sav'd by visiting them witli Infirmities. Do you 

* hear, Onnontio, our Women had took up their 

* Clubbs; and the Children and the old i\Ien, had 

* visited your Camp with their Eows and Arrows, 

* if our Warlike iMen had not stopd and disarmed 

* 'em, when Akouessan your Ambassadour appear 'd 
' before my Village. But I have done, Fll talk no 

* more of that. 

' "i'ou must know, Onnontio, we have robb'd no 

* French-iMcn, but those mIio supply "d the lllinese 

* Burj iiig ihe Axe signifios Peace. 






67 

* and the Oumamis (our Enemies) with Fusees, with 
' Powder, and with Ball : These indeed we took care 

* of, because such Arms might have cost us our 

* hfe. Our Conduct in that point is of a piece witli 
' that of the Jesuits, who stave all the barrels of 

* Brandy that are brought to our Cantons, lest the 

* People getting drunk should knock them in the 

* Head. Our Warriours have no Beavers to give in 

* exchange for all the Arms they take from the 
' French ; and as for the old superannuated People, 

* they do not think of bearing Arms. 

This Colier comprehends my icord. 

* Wc have conducted the English to our *Lakes, 

* in order to trafifick with the Outaouas, and the Hu- 

* rons ; just as the Algonkins conducted the French 
' to our five Cantons, in order to carry on a Com- 
' merce that the English lay claim to as their Plight. 
'We are born Freemen, and have no depcndance 

* either upon the Onnontio or the -j- Corlar. We 
' have a power to go where we please, to conduct 

* w^ho we will to the places we resort to, and to buy 

* and sell where we think fit. If your Allies are 

* your Slaves or Children, you may e'en treat 'em as 
' such, and rob 'em of the liberty of entertaining 

* any ather Nation but your own. 

This Colier co?itains my zvord. 

' We fell upon the Illinese and the Oumamis, be- 
' cause they cut down the trees of Peace that serv'd 
' for limits or boundaries to our Frontiers. They 
' came to hunt Beavers upon our Lands; and con- 
' trary to the custom of all the Savages, have car- 

* They pretend to the property of the Lakes. 

t Corlar is the Title of die Governor of N';w-\ork. 



6B 

* riecl off whole Stocks,* both Male and Female. 
' They have itigag'd the Chaouauons in their inte- 

* rest, and entertainV] 'em in their Country. They 
' supply 'd 'em with Fire- Arms, after the concerting 

* of ill dv signs against us, "VVe have done less than 
' the English and the French, who without any 
•' right, have usurp'd the Grounds they are now 

* possess'd of; and of which they have dislodg'd 

* several Nations, in order to make way for their 
' building of Cities, Villages, and Forts. 

This Golier eon tains my word. 

' I give you to know, Onnontio, that my Voice 

* is the Voice of the five Iroquese Cantons. This 

* is their Answer, pray incline your Ear, and listen 

* to what they represent. 

* The Tsonontouans, Goyogouans Onnontagues, 
' Onnoyoutes, and Agnies declare, that they in- 
' terr'd fthe Axe at Cataracouy, in the presence of 
' your Predecessor, in the very center of the Fort; 

* and planted the Tree of Peace in the same place, 

* that it might be carefully preserv'd ; that 'twas 

* then stipulated, that the Fort should be us'd as a 
' place of retreat for Merchants, and not a refuge 

* for Soldiers ; and that instead of Arms and Am- 

* munition, it should be made a Receptacle of only 

* JJcaver-Skins, and Merchandize Goods. Be it 

* knoM'n to you, Onnontio, that for the future you 

* ought to take care, that so great a number of Mar- 
' ti;;l-Men as 1 now see, being shut up in so small a 

* Fort, do not stifle and choak the Tree of Peace. 
' Since it took Root so easily, it must needs be of 
' pernicious consequence to stop its growth, and 

• Among the Savages, 'tis a capital Crime to destroy all the Beavers of a 
Setlement. 

t Interrng the Axe, signifies the making of a Pea«e; and the digging of j< 
'jp imports a Declaration of Wsr. 



69 

* hinder it to shade hoth your Country and ours 
' with its Leaves. I do assure you, in tlie name of 

* the five Nations, that our Waniours shall dance 
' the Calumet Dance under its branches; that they 

* shall rest in Tranquility upon their* Matts, and 

* will never dig up the Axe to cut down the Tree of 
' Peace; till such time as the Onnontio and the 

* Corlar, do either joyntly or separately offer to in- 

* vade the Country, that the great Spirit has dis- 

* pos'd of in the favour of our Ancestors. 

This Colier contains my word ; and the other com- 
prehends the power granted to me by the ji^ct 
Nations. 

Then the Grangula address'd himself to Mr. le 
Moine, and spoke to this purpose. 

' Akouessan, take Heart, you are a Man of sense ; 

* speak and explain my meaning; he sure you for- 
' get nothing, but declare all that thy Brethren and 

* thy Friends represent to thy chief Onnontio, by 

* the voice of the Grangula, who pays you all Ho- 

* nour and respect, and invites you to accept of this 

* Present of Beavers, and to assist at his Feast im- 

* mediately. This other present of Beavers is 

* sent by the five Nations to the Onnontio,' 

* This Phrase signifies keeping the Peace. 



APPENDIX. No* 11, 



Speech of the Mohawl Chiefs to the Magistrates of 
Albcniy, on the 9.5th of March, 1639 — 90, after 
the destruction of Schenectady. 

' Brethren, 



HE Murder of our Brethren at Schenectady by 
' the French grieves us as much, as if *it had been 

* done to ourselves, for we are in the same chain ; 

* and no doubt our Brethren of New-England will 
' be likewise sadly affected with this cruel action 

* of the French. The French on this Occasion 
' have not acted like brave Men, but like Thieves 
' and Robbers. Be not therefore discouraged. We 
' give this Belt to wipe away your Tears, 

' Brethren^ 

* We lament the Death of so many of our 

* Brethren, whose Blood has been shed at Schenec- 

* tad}'. We don't think that Avhat the French 
' liave done can be called a Victory, it is only a 
' lartlicr proof of their cruel deceit. The Gover- 
' nor of Canada^sends to Onondaga, and talks to us 
' of peace with our M'hole Plouse, but war was in 
' his heart, as you may now see by woeful experi- 

* ence. Me did the same formerly at Cadarackui, 
' and in the Senecas Country. This is the third 
' time he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken 
' open our House at both Ends, formerly in the 
' Senecas Country, and now here. W^e liope how- 
' ever to be revenged of them. One hundred of 
' our bravest Young Men are in pursuit of them, 
' they are brisk fellows, and they will follow the 



71 

' French to their Doors. We will beset them so 

* closely, that not a Man in Canada shall dare to 
' step out of doors to cut a stick of wood ; But now 
' we gather up our dead to bury them, by this se- 
' cond Belt. 

' Brethren, 

' We came from our Castles with Tears in our 
' Eyes, to bemoan the Bloodshed at Schenectady by 

* the perfidious French. While we bury our dead 
' murdered at Schenectady we know not what may 

* have befallen our own people, that are in pursuit 
' of the enemy, they may be dead ; what has be- 
' fallen you may happen to us ; and therefoie we 
' come to bury our Brethren at Schenectady with 
' this third Belt. 

* Great and sudden is the mischief, as if it had 
' fallen from Heaven upon us. Our Forefathers 
' taught us to go with all speed to bemoan and la- 

* ment with our Brethren, when any disaster or mis- 

* fortune happens to any in our chain. Take this Belt 
' of vigilance, that you may be more watchful for 

* the future. We give our Brethren Eye Water to 
' make them sharp sighted, giving a fourth Belt. 

' We now come to the House where we usually 
' renew the chain ; but alas ! we find the House, 
' polluted with Blood. All the Five Nations have 

* heard of this, and we are come to wipe away the 

* Blood, and clean the House. We come to in- 
' vite Corlear, and every one of you, and Quider 

* (calling to every one of the Principal Men pre- 
' sent by their names) to be revenged of the Ene- 
' my, by this fifth Belt. 

' Brethren^ 

' Be not discouraged, we are strong enough. 
' This is the Beginning of your War, and the whgle 



72 

* House have their Eyes fixed upoii you at this 
' time, to observe your behaviour. They wait 
' 3^our motion, and are ready to join in any reso- 
' lute IMeasiires. 

* Our Chain is a strong Chain, it is a Silver 
' Chain, it can neither rust nor be broken. We, 
' as to our parts, are resolute to continue the War. 

' We will never desist, so long as a Man of us re- 
' mains. Take Heart, do not pack up and go 

* away,* this will give Heart to a dastardly Enemy; 
' we are of the Race of the Bear, and a Bear you 

* know never yields, while one drop of Blood is 
' left. We must all be Bears ; giving a sixth Belt. 

' Brethren, 

' Be patient, this Disaster is an affliction which 

* has fallen from Heaven upon us. The Sun, which 
' hath been cloudy, and sent this Disaster, will shine 

* again with its pleasant Beams. Take courage, 
' said he, courage, repeating the word several times 
' as they gave a seventh Belt. 

(To the Efiolish.) 
' Brethren, 

' Three years ago we were engaged in a bloody 
' War with the French, and you encouraged us to 
' proceed in it. Our success answered ourExpec- 
' tation ; but we were not well begun, when Cor- 
< lear stopt us from going on. Had you permitted 
' us to go on, the French would not now have been 
' able to do us the mischief they have done, we 
' would have prevented their Sowing, Planting, or 
' Reaping. 

' We would have humbled them effectually, but 
' now we die. The obstructions you then made 

♦ Tliis wa-? spoke to (lie English wbo were about reraoTing from Albanr. 



73 

* now ruin us. Let us after this be steady, and 
' take no such flilse Measures, for the future, but 
' prosecute the War vigorously. Giving a Beaver 
' Skin. 

* The Brethren must keep good Watch, and if 
' the Enemy come again, send more speedily to us. 

* Don't desert Schenectady. The Enemy will glory 
' in seeing it desolate It will give them courage 

* that had none before. Fortify the place, it is not 

* well fortified now : The Stockadoes are too short ; 

* the Indians can jump over them. Gave a Beaver 

* Skin. 

' B)'ethren, 

* The mischief done at Schenectady cannot be 

* helped now, but for the future, when the Enemy 
' appears any where, let nothing hinder your send- 
' ing to us by Expresses, and fire great guns, that 

* all may be alarmed. We advise you to bring all 
' the River Indians under your subjection to live 

* near Albany, to be ready on all occasions. 

* Send to New-England, tell them what has hap- 
' pened to you. They will undoubtedly awake and 
' lend us their helping hand. It is their interest 

* as much as ours, to push the War to a speedy 
' conclusion. Be not discouraged, the French are 
' not so numerous as some People talk. If we but 

* heartily unite to push on the War, and mind our 
' business, the French will soon be subdued. 

The Magistrates having returned an answer on 
the twenty-seventh, to the satisfaction of the In- 
dians, they repeated it all over, Word by Word, to 
let the Magistrates see how carefully they minded, 
and then added, - 

K 



74 



Brethren^ 

' We are glad to find you are not discouraged. 
The best and wisest Men sometimes make mis- 
takes. Let us now pursue the War vigorous- 
ly. We have a hundred Men out, they are 
good Scouts. We expect to meet all tlie Sa- 
chems of the other Nations, as they come to con- 
dole with you. You need not fear our being 
ready at the first Notice. Our Ax is always in 
our Hands, but take care that you be timely 
ready. Your Ships, that must do the principal 
Work, are long a fitting out. We do not design 
to go out with a small Company, or in sculking 
parties; but as soon as the Nations can meet, we 
siiall be ready with our whole force. If you 
would bring this War to a happy Issue, you must 
begin soon, before the French can recover the 
Losses they have received from us, and get new 
vigour and life, therefore send in all haste to New 
England. Neither you nor we can continue long 
in the condition we are now in, we must order 
matters so, that the French be kept in continual 
fear and alarm at Home ; for this is the only way 
to be secure, and in Peace here. 

' The Scatikok Indians, in our opinion, are well 
placed where they are (to the northward of Alba- 
ny) ; they are a good Out Guard ; they are our 
Children, and we must take care that they do their 
duty: But you must take care of the Indians be- 
low the Town, place them near the Town, so as 
they may be of more service to you." 



APPENDIX, No III. 



Substance of the Speech of Good Peter to Governor 
Clititon and the Commissioners of Indian Affairs^ 
at Albany, on the occasion referred to in the dis- 
course. 

Brother Governor of the State of New- York, 
and all the other great Chiefs of the State of New- 
York, open your ears, and all you Chiefs of the 
Five Nations here assembled, open your ears. 

The business we have now met about is of the 
greatest importance : How happy must we all be if 
we can arrange it for our mutual good. 

We have this day assembled, and smoked our 
pipes in peace. That you may know the reason of 
my addressing you, I would inform you that my 
brethren, the Cayugas, and my children, the Sene- 
cas, requested me to be their mouth on this solemn 
occasion, and understanding that it is agreeable to 
the Great Chief of New- York, I now stand here. 
You will possess your minds in peace, for I have 
no disposition to oppose you in any respect, but 
shall move forward in the strait path. 

Brother Chief, 

In the first place, I would inform you, that last 
spring we were invited to a treaty at Muskmgum — 
where your voice also called upon us to attend — 
some of our nation went there and have not yet 
returned. 

When our uncles, the Chiefs, left our Council 
fire, their only business at Muskingum, was the es- 
tabHshment of a good peace. This mission was 
ag3-eeable to us all — even the warriors — for although 



76 

the clouds blacken in the South, and tlie winds 
sometimes blow, yet as long as our Sachems labour 
for a peace, the minds of our young men are com- 
posed. 

This, Great Chief, I only observe to open the 
way for what is to follow. Shortly after, the cloud 
from the South began to rise, we again saw the ef- 
fulgence of the sun — but as soon as we saw it, an 
evil spirit commenced its work, threatening the an- 
nihilation of our territory. 

Brother Goverrior, 

Although I observed to you, that an evil spirit 
had invaded our peace, yet do not suppose that 
the Five Nations M'ere disposed to cherish this ene- 
my — we were deceived — we believed it to be a 
Good Spirit, sent by the Great Council of the State, 
and we thought that we should not injure ourselves 
by opening our ears to their voice. This was in- 
deed new to us — for never before had the Five Na- 
tions such a meeting with any of our brethren of 
this island — we had invariably conferred together 
according to ancient and settled usage. 

It would be tedious to go into detail, and state at 
large the means by which we were misled. We 
cannot sec but a small depth into the heart of man, 
and can only discover the work of his tongue. It 
appears that you then sensibly sympathised with us 
in our situation, and looking back to antient times, 
endeavored to discover a method of recoverino; our 
sinking territory. 

Soon after this the Oneida Nation heard your 
voice. Although it was small at first, yet it gave 
us life to find that you would extend your arm, and 
save oui country. It informed us, that you would 
kindle a Council Fire at Fort Stanwix, inform us of 
our situation, and relieve us from our difficulties. 



11 

It also directed us to send it on to the other nations, 
which ue did. At the Council Fire, at Fort Stan- 
wix, but one nation, the Onondagas, attended — - 
there was a strange bird that flew al3out your voice 
and related strange stories. This bird kept flying 
about while you held this Council Fire. After 
your patience had been exhausted in waiting seve- 
ral days, you then determined to take us, one by 
one, as we came to the Council Fire ; and with this 
we were content. 

When you had finished with the Onondagas, you 
then shewed the agreement to us the Oneidas, 
pointed out the true path, and opened our eyes. 
We then comprehended your sentiments as they 
were laid before us. You raised us from sinking 
into an unfathomable gulph, and placed us on a 
high mountain— you erected a fortification around 
us, so that no evil spirits, or strange birds, could tly 
over and disturb us — 3'ou completed an agreemeut 
to our mutual satisfaction — it is firm and unaltera- 
ble—no evil spirit shall be able to erase the lines — 
Ave are now fixed, and dwell in peace. 

I need not enlarge upon the Council, at Fort Stan- 
wix, and the proceedings at that place. You re- 
member you saw a few Senecas there — you wel- 
comed them, although they were neither invited, 
nor Sachems ; but little children — they then told 
you with what difficulty they leaped over the mound 
at Canasake. 

You also remember, that when those Seneca 
young men left you, you gave them good advice. 
As your patience was not yet exhausted, and your 
love for the Five Nations continued in full force, 
you invited the Senecas, through them, to meet you 
at Albany this Minter, to consult upon subjects con- 
nected with their welfare — you also requested (heir 
attendance from the remotest parts of the Nation. 
They again heard your voice — you opened their 



78 

eyes; and it pierced them to the heart to see their 
territory sinking, and that by and by the warriors 
would not be at liberty to hunt upon their land, 
and to provide for their v/omen and children. 

Soon after this, the headmen and warriors delibe- 
rated on our message, and determined th it it would 
be for the good of the Five Nations, and prevent 
our utter destruction, to repair to this place. Al- 
though some of our Sachems have not returned 
from the Southward, yet we are persuaded that our 
deliberations and proceedings will meet their ap- 
probation. 

After frequent conferences with our brethren the 
Senecas, we determined to repair to this antient 
Council Fire— we thought it agreeable to antient 
usage to take with us tu o brothers of the Ononda- 
gas and Oneidas, as witnesses, to this place, where 
our ancestors kindled their Council Fires ; the smoke 
of which reached the heavens, and round which 
they sat and talked of peace. 1 observed at first, 
that I should only touch upon one event after 
another. But need I call your attention to the 
Councils and Treaties held here by your and our 
forefathers. They then had but one head and one 
heart — the chain of friendship was made of silver, 
so that it could not rust. Our ancestors, you 
know, frequently met to brighten ihis chain, with 
a design to see whether, any evil spirit that disturbs 
the peace of brethren, shook it or sat upon it. 

But I must leave this pleasant subject, the paths 
of our ancestors. You have seen some of our 
Brethren of the Five Nations, the Cayugas — you 
have opened your mind and encouraged us to be- 
lieve that you can save our sinking country — and 
that if any of your people have overleaped the 
bounds prescribed, you can erase the lines. This 
]jas given us great encouragement and universal 
pleasure. 



79 

Brother' Governory 

The Cayugas and Senecas, here present, thank 
you from the bottom of our hearts, that you have 
communicated freely with us. When we heard 
your first and second voice we were glad ; but now 
we are quite rejoiced. It convinces us that you 
remembered and cherished the treaties, between 
your and our forefathers. The Great Spirit gave 
our ancestors and us this Island ; and we know 
that you are anxious to promote his design, that 
we should have a place whereon to live. We love 
our country, and our fathers loved their country. 

We said we were glad to meet you and hear your 
voice, and to feel assured that you are able to save 
our sinking territory : we now put it all under your 
power — put your hands over the whole, reserving 
to us such a dish as you shall prescribe for us. 
This is perfectly agreeable to the usages of our an- 
cestors, — who loved peace, and loved their land, 
and why? because they loved their women and 
their children — and while they loved peace and 
their land, they enjoyed happy days. 

We repeat, that we rejoice in this meeting, and 
in these proceedings — those we have left behind, 
and those that will return from the South, will also 
rejoice at the result of our conferences — our little 
ones can now look with pleasure for fish in the 
streams, and our warriors can hunt for wild bea.sts 
in the woods, and feel confident that they will not 
be driven from their country. 

(A string of black wampum with six rows.) 

Brother, 

I have repeatedly said that I was glad to hear 
your mind — your words have sunk deep into my 



80 

lieart, and have raised up my land and country, that 
"were about to sink. I entreat you, by this string, 
to keep firm to your word, and to reach out your 
hand over my country. Our dish we will reserve. 
This transaction will rejoice, not only our absent 
friends, but our chikh'en's children, to the latest 
generation — They will declare with joy, that Aqui- 
landa,* the Governor of New- York, has rescued 
their country from destruction. 

(A string of white wampum M'ith six rows.) 

You have heard our voice — we now entreat you to 
open your ears, and hear a speech from our sisters, 
the Governesses. 

Brother., 

Our ancestors considered it a great ofi'ence to 
reject the counsels of their women, particularly of 
the female Governesses. They were esteemed the 
mistresses of the soil — zvho, said our forefathers, 
bring us into being — zvho cultivate our lands — 
kindle our fires, and boil our pots — but the wo- 
men .' 

Our women say, that they are apprehensive their 
uncles have lost the power of hunting, as they were 
about destroying their country — butthey take this 
opportunity of thanking you for preventing their 
fail down the precipice, to which their uncles had 
brought them. 

They entreat that the veneration of their ances- 
tors, in favor of women, be not disregarded, and 
that they may not be despised : the Great Spirit 
is their maker. 

The female Governesses begleave to speak, with 

" An Iri(li:<n n^jme given to Governor Clinton, which signifios Risitiq' 6'?/; 



81 

that freedom allowed to women, and agreeable to 
the spirit of our ancestors. They entreat the Great 
Chief to put forth his strength, and preserve them 
in peace ; for they are the life of the nation — your 
power cannot be disputed. Those that disturb them 
are your subjects, and you can punish them. They 
rejoice, that while their Counsellors are settling a 
peace at Muskingum, and you are here laboring 
for their good, tranquility will be spread over the 
whole country. 

(Six strings of wampum.) 

Then Good Peter added, 

Brother, 

Possess your mind in peace. You are sensi- 
ble that in affairs of importance, omissions may be 
made, and that a person is allowed afterwards to 
correct them. 

You have greatly encouraged us, by promising 
to watch over our peace, and to provide for our 
welfare — It is probable, that when we ha.ve com- 
pleted our business here, some bad men may break 
over the fence you have set around us. There are, 
excuse us Brother, some bad men among the white 
people of this Island — they may not hear your 
voice as far as our CQuntry : we therefore propose 
that Peter Ryckman, our child, may live among 
us in your behalf, look at our affairs, and watch 
over our interests. 

You have now heard our minds, and the resolu- 
tions ue had formed before we left our country. 
I only act here as an agent, by the request of my 
brothers the Cayugas, and I am now released from 
my engagements. 

FINIS. 



ERRATA. 

Page 6 — last line but one — for Mohucorh, read Mohiccans. 

7, 1. 6, for Wabingie, r. Wabinga. 

7, 1. 21, for Leuni-lenopi, r. Lenni-lenopi. 

8^ 1. 2, for this fact, insert, the fact of the tribute paid 
to the United Colonies of New England, 

9 — last line but one — for Rttiunctioni, r. Kenunctioni. 
10, 1. 25, alter Cross, insert, the. 
10, 1. 26, for Otisio, r. Otisco. 
10, 1. 28, for Canaforaga, r. Canasoraga. 
10 — last line but one — after sturgeon, insert, the, 

«n l' 1^ i ^°'" Cherrokees, r. Cherokees. 

12, 1. 10, for Ministeneaux, r. Ruisteneaux. 

14, 1. 13, for andyV. or. 

15, 1. 19, iot personal, r. profound. 

18, 1. 21, for Caunassateegoo, r. Cannassateegoo. 

21, note, for Behe, r. Beloe. 

23, 1. 29, for nations, r. millions. 

24> note, for Geraugulas, v. Garangula's. 

28, 1. 27, for Ontaouis, r. Ontaouis. 

32, 1. 15, for Rondiaronk, r. Kondiaronk. 

S3, 1. 26, for your, r. our. 

38, 1. 1 , for sixty, r. forty. 

40, 1. 3, for umpires, r. conjurors. 

42, 1. 7, 8, for Rabardinski &, Rabarda, r. Kabardin- 

ski 8c Kabarda. 
42, 1. 26, for which languages, r. whose language. 
44, 1. 1, for exultation, r. exaltation. 






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